People Before Profit Alliance

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
For the English political party, see Lewisham People Before Profit.
People Before Profit Alliance
Leader Collective Leadership
Founded October 2005
Headquarters 4 Meadow View,
Sarsfield Road, Dublin 10
Ideology Democratic socialism[1]
Trotskyism[2]
Euroscepticism[3]
Political position Left-wing to Far-left[4]
National affiliation United Left Alliance (pre-2013)
Anti-Austerity Alliance–People Before Profit(2015–present)
European affiliation European Anti-Capitalist Left
Colours Maroon & Green
Dáil Éireann
3 / 158

Northern Ireland Assembly
2 / 108

Local government in the Republic of Ireland
14 / 949

Local Government (NI)
1 / 462

Website
peoplebeforeprofit.ie

The People Before Profit Alliance (PBPA) is an Irish socialist and anti-EUpolitical party formed in October 2005.[5] It is active in both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland.

Overview[edit]

The PBPA was established by the Socialist Workers Party. The Community & Workers Action Group of south Dublin (CWAG) joined the Alliance in 2007 and brought along the party’s first elected representative, Joan Collins, an anti–bin tax campaigner and former member of the Socialist Party.

Republic of Ireland[edit]

The Alliance contested several constituencies in the 2007 general election, polling around 9,000 first preferences, with Richard Boyd Barrett—the candidate in the Dun Laoghaire constituency—missing a seat on the 10th and final count by 7,890 votes to 9,910.[6][7]

In May 2008, the Alliance launched a campaign calling for a No vote to theLisbon Treaty when it was put to the people.[8]

In the Republic’s 2009 local elections the Alliance ran twelve candidates, including ten in County Dublin. The Alliance secured five seats in three of Dublin’s four councils. As well as ten members of the SWP, the Alliance ranJoan Collins and Pat Dunne of the CWAG in Dublin,[9] and Donnie Fell (a former Waterford Crystal worker and trade union representative) in Waterford.[10]

In the Republic’s 2011 general election, both Richard Boyd Barrett and Joan Collins were elected to Dáil Éireann as TDs (deputies), running under a joint People Before Profit and United Left Alliance banner. The average expenses claim by a People Before Profit Alliance TD between the February 2011 general election and the last day of December 2011 was €31,866.[11]

In April 2013 Joan Collins TD and Cllr Pat Dunne left the Alliance to form United Left, a political party with former Socialist Party TD Clare Daly.

In the May 2014 local elections, the Alliance won 14 seats including two seats outside Dublin on Sligo and Wexford County Councils. The Alliance’s European Parliament candidate, Bríd Smith, was not elected in Dublin.

Discussions were held in August 2015 with the Anti-Austerity Alliance about forming a new political grouping.[12] On 17 September 2015, the two parties announced they had formally registered as a single political party for electoral purposes.[13] The new organisation is called the Anti-Austerity Alliance–People Before Profit.

At the 2016 general election, Boyd Barrett was re-elected.[14] He was joined by fellow Alliance candidates Gino Kenny and Bríd Smith.[15][16] Candidates to come close included John Lyons[17] and Gareth Weldon.[18]

Northern Ireland[edit]

People Before Profit unsuccessfully ran one candidate, Sean Mitchell, in the 2007 Northern Ireland Assembly election, polling 774 first preferences in the Belfast West constituency. He successfully gained the right to stand in an election by threatening to take the then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Peter Hain, to court if the legal loophole preventing him from doing so was enforced. (England, Scotland and Wales had secured the right to contest candidates under the age of 20, providing they were over 18, for constituencies for devolved government, whereas Northern Ireland had been simply excluded).[citation needed]

The People Before Profit Alliance ran four candidates in the Northern Ireland Assembly election of May 2011, winning 5,438 first-preference votes between them but no seats in the new Assembly. Its most successful candidate in this election wasEamonn McCann, who won 3,120 first-preference votes, or 8% of the total, in Foyle.

In the June 2011 Belfast West by-election, Gerry Carroll won 1,751 votes (7.6%), coming in third place and ahead of both unionist candidates.

In the 2014 Belfast City Council election, Gerry Carroll became the first PBP councilor elected in Northern Ireland, winning 3rd place in the Black Mountain DEA, with 1,691 1st Preference votes.

In May 2016, Gerry Carroll went on to top the poll in the Belfast West constituency at the 2016 Assembly Election with 8,299 votes (22.9%), almost 4,000 first-preference votes clear of his nearest challenger, Sinn Fein MLA Fra McCann.[19] This victory secured PBP with their first elected MLA. Eamonn McCann also took a seat in the Derry constituency of Foyle.[20]

Election results and governments[edit]

People Before Profit Alliance
Belfast City
1 / 60

Dublin City
5 / 63

Dún Laoghaire–Rathdown
3 / 40

Fingal
1 / 40

Sligo
1 / 18

South Dublin
3 / 40

Wexford
1 / 34

Northern Ireland[edit]

Northern Ireland Assembly elections[edit]

Election Assembly First Preference Vote Vote % Seats Government
2007 3rd 774 0.1%
0 / 108

DUP–Sinn Féin–SDLP–UUP–Alliance
2011 4th 5,438 0.8%
0 / 108

DUP–Sinn Féin–UUP–SDLP–Alliance
2016 5th 13,761 2.0%
2 / 108

DUP–Sinn Féin

Westminster elections[edit]

Election Assembly Votes Vote % Seats Government
2010 55th 2,936 0.0%
0 / 18

Conservative Party–Liberal Democrats
2015 56th 7,854 0.0%
0 / 18

Conservative Party

Republic of Ireland[edit]

Dáil Éireann elections[edit]

Election Dáil First Preference Vote Vote % Seats Government
2007 30th 9,333 0.5%
0 / 166

Fianna Fáil–Green Party-Progressive Democrats
2011 31st 21,551 1.0%
2 / 166

Fine Gael–Labour Party

Local Government elections[edit]

Election Country First Preference Vote Vote % Seats
2009 Republic of Ireland 15,879 0.8%
5 / 883

2011 Northern Ireland 1,721 0.3%
0 / 583

2014 Northern Ireland 1,923 0.3%
1 / 462

2014 Republic of Ireland 29,051 1.7%
14 / 949

European elections[edit]

The People Before Profit Alliance have so far only contested European Elections in the Republic of Ireland.

Election First Preference Vote Vote % Seats
2014 23,875 1.5%
0 / 11

See also

Workers’ Party of Ireland

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Workers’ Party
Páirtí na nOibrithe
President Michael Donnelly
General Secretary John Lowry
Founded 1970 (current name 1982)[1]
Headquarters 24a/25 Hill Street,
Dublin 1, Ireland
Ideology Marxism–Leninism
Communism
Irish republicanism
Political position Far-left
European affiliation Initiative of Communist and Workers’ Parties
International affiliation International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties
International Communist Seminar
Colours Red, green
Local government in the Republic of Ireland
2 / 949

Website
www.workersparty.ie

The Workers’ Party[2] (Irish: Páirtí na nOibrithe), originally known as Official Sinn Féin, is a Marxist–Leninist political party in Ireland. The party originated out of Sinn Féin (which was founded in 1905) and the Irish Republican Army(IRA), as the split took place with the Provisionals within the republican movement at the onset of the Troubles in 1969–70. The Officials’ founders were Cathal Goulding and Tomás Mac Giolla.

The party name was changed to Sinn Féin the Workers’ Party in 1977 and then to the Workers’ Party in 1982. Throughout its history, the party has been closely associated with the Official Irish Republican Army. It supported theSoviet Union while that entity existed. Notable derivative organisations include the Irish Republican Socialist Party and the Democratic Left.

Name[edit]

In the early to mid-1970s, Official Sinn Féin was sometimes called Sinn Féin (Gardiner Place) to distinguish it from the rival offshoot Provisional Sinn Féin, or Sinn Féin (Kevin Street). Gardiner Place had symbolic power as the headquarters of Sinn Féin for decades before the 1970 split. This sobriquet died out in the mid-1970s.[citation needed]

At its Ardfheis in January 1977, the Officials renamed themselves Sinn Féin – The Workers Party. Their first seats in Dáil Éireann were won under this new name. In 1979, a motion at the Ardfheis to remove the Sinn Féin prefix from the party name was narrowly defeated. The change finally came about three years later.[3]

In Northern Ireland, Sinn Féin was organised under the name Republican Clubs to avoid a ban on Sinn Féin candidates, introduced in 1964 under Northern Ireland’s Emergency Powers Act), and the Officials continued to use this name after 1970.[4] The party later used the name The Workers’ Party Republican Clubs. In 1982, both the northern and southern sections of the party became The Workers’ Party.[5] The Workers’ Party is sometimes referred to as the “Sticks” or “Stickies” because in the 1970s it used adhesive stickers for the Easter Lily emblem in its 1916 commemorations, whereas Provisional Sinn Féin used a pin for theirs.[6]

History[edit]

Origins[edit]

For early history, see History of Sinn Féin.

The modern origins of the party date from the early 1960s. After the failure of the then IRA’s 1956–1962 “Border Campaign“, the republican movement, with a new military and political leadership, undertook a complete reappraisal of itsraison d’être.[3] Under the guidance of figures such as Cathal Goulding and Sean Garland, the leadership of Sinn Féin and the IRA sought to shift their emphasis away from the traditional republican goal of a 32-county Irish Republic redeemed(since Republicans regard the republic declared in 1916 as still in existence and the Anglo-Irish Treaty as invalid) by military action and to concentrate more on socialism and civil rights-related activities.[3]

In doing so, they gradually abandoned the military focus that had characterised Irish republicanism. The leadership were substantially influenced by a group led by Roy Johnston who had been active in the Communist Party of Great Britain‘sConnolly Association.[7] This group’s analysis saw the primary obstacle to Irish unity as the continuing division between the Protestant and Catholic working classes. This it attributed to the “divide and rule” policies of capitalism, whose interests were served by the working classes remaining divided. Military activity was seen as counterproductive since its effect was to further entrench sectarian divisions. If the working classes could be united in class struggle to overthrow their common rulers, a 32-county socialist republic would be the inevitable outcome.[3]

However, this Marxist outlook became unpopular with many of the more traditionalist republicans, and the party/army leadership was criticised for failing to defend northern Catholic enclaves from loyalist attacks (these debates took place against the background of the violent beginning of what would become “the Troubles“). A growing minority within the rank-and-file wanted to maintain traditional militarist policies aimed at ending British rule in Northern Ireland.[3] An equally contentious issue involved whether to or not to continue with the policy of abstentionism, that is, the refusal of elected representatives to take their seats in British or Irish legislatures. A majority of the leadership favoured abandoning this policy.

A group consisting of Seán Mac Stiofáin, Dáithí Ó Conaill, Seamus Twomey, and others, established themselves as a “Provisional Army Council” in 1969 in anticipation of a contentious 1970 Sinn Féin Ard Fheis (delegate conference).[3] At the Ard Fheis, the leadership of Sinn Féin failed to attain the required two-thirds majority to change the party’s position on abstentionism. The debate was charged with allegations of vote-rigging and expulsions. When the Ard Fheis went on to pass a vote of confidence in the official Army Council (which had already approved an end to the abstentionist policy),Ruairí Ó Brádaigh led the minority in a walk-out,[8] and went to a prearranged meeting in Parnell Square where they announced the establishment of a “caretaker” executive of Sinn Féin.[9] The dissident council became known as the “Provisional Army Council” and its party and military wing as Sinn Féin and the Provisional IRA, while those remaining became known as Official Sinn Féin and the Official IRA.[10] Official Sinn Féin, under the leadership of Tomás Mac Giolla, remained aligned to Goulding’s Official IRA.[11]

The minority, those supportive of Seán Mac Stiofáin‘s “Provisional Army Council”, endeavoured to achieve a united Irelandby force. As the Troubles escalated, this “Provisional Army Council” would come to command the loyalty of the IRA national organisation save for a few isolated instances (that of the IRA Company of the Lower Falls road, Belfast under the command of Billy McMillen and other small units in Derry, Newry, Dublin and Wicklow);[citation needed] eventually the media came to characterize the Provisionals simply as “the IRA”.

A key factor in the split was the desire of those who became the Provisionals to make military action the key object of the organisation, rather than a simple rejection of leftism.[12][13]

In 1977 Official Sinn Féin ratified the party’s new name: Sinn Féin The Workers’ Party without dissension.[14] According to Richard Sinnott, this “symbolism” was completed in April 1982 when the party became simply the Workers’ Party.[15][need quotation to verify]

Political development[edit]

Although the Official IRA was drawn into the spiralling violence of the early period of conflict in Northern Ireland, it gradually stepped down its military campaign against the United Kingdom‘s armed presence in Northern Ireland, declaring a permanent ceasefire in May 1972. Following this, the movement’s political development increased rapidly throughout the 1970s.[3]

On the national question, the Officials saw the struggle against religious sectarianism and bigotry as their primary task. The party’s strategy was based on the “stages theory”: firstly, working-class unity within Northern Ireland had to be achieved, followed by the establishment of a united Ireland, and finally a socialist society would be created in Ireland.[16]

In 1977 the party published and accepted as policy a document called the Irish Industrial Revolution.[17] Written by Eoghan Harris and Eamon Smullen,[3] it outlined the party’s economic stance and declared that the ongoing violence in Northern Ireland was “distracting working class attention from the class struggle to a mythical national question.” The policy document used Marxist terminology: it identified US imperialism as the now-dominant political and economic force in the southern state and attacked the failure of the nationalbourgeoisie to develop Ireland as a modern economic power.[18]

Official Sinn Féin evolved towards Marxism-Leninism and became fiercely critical of the physical force Irish republicanism still espoused by Provisional Sinn Féin. Its new approach to the Northern conflict was typified by the slogan it was to adopt: “Peace, Democracy, Class Politics”. It aimed to replace sectarian politics with a class struggle which would unite Catholic and Protestant workers. The slogan’s echo of Vladimir Lenin‘s “Peace, Bread, Land” was indicative of the party’s new source of inspiration. Official Sinn Féin also built up fraternal relations with the USSR and socialist, workers’ and communistparties from around the world.[3]

Throughout the 1980s the party became staunch opponents of republican political violence, controversially to the point of recommending cooperating with British security forces. They were one of the few organisations on the left of Irish politics to oppose the INLA/Provisional IRA 1981 Irish hunger strike.[3]

The Workers’ Party (especially the faction around Harris) was strongly critical of traditional Irish republicanism, causing some of its critics such as Vincent Browne and Paddy Prendeville to accuse it of having an attitude to Northern Ireland that was close to Ulster unionism.[19][20]

IRSP/INLA split and feud[edit]

In 1974 there was a split in the Official Republican Movement, over the ceasefire and the direction of the organisation. This led to the formation of the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP) with Seamus Costello, who had been expelled from theOfficial IRA, as its chairperson. Also formed was its paramilitary wing, the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA). There was a number of tit-for-tat killings in a subsequent feud until a truce was agreed in 1977.[21]

The 1992 split[edit]

In early 1992, following a failed attempt to change the organisation’s constitution, six of the party’s seven TDs, its MEP, numerous councillors and a significant minority of its membership broke off to form Democratic Left, a party which later merged with the Labour Party in 1999.

The reasons for the split were twofold. Firstly, a faction led by Proinsias De Rossa wanted to move the party towards an acceptance of free-market economics.[22] Following the collapse of communism in eastern Europe, they felt that the Workers’ Party’s Marxist stance was now an obstacle to winning support at the polls. Secondly, media accusations had once again surfaced regarding the continued existence of the Official IRA which, it was alleged, remained armed and involved in fund-raising robberies, money laundering and other forms of criminality.[23]

De Rossa and his supporters sought to distance themselves from alleged paramilitary activity at a special Árd Fheis held atDún Laoghaire on 15 February 1992. A motion proposed by De Rossa and General Secretary Des Geraghty sought to stand down the existing membership, elect an 11-member provisional executive council and make several other significant changes in party structures was defeated. The motion to “reconstitute” the party achieved the support of 61% of delegates. However, this was short of the two-thirds majority needed to change the Workers’ Party constitution. The Workers’ Party later claimed that there was vote rigging by the supporters of the De Rossa motion.[24] As a result of the conference’s failure to adopt the motion, De Rossa and his supporters split from the organisation and established a new party which was temporarily known as “New Agenda” before the permanent name of “Democratic Left” was adopted.[25] In the South the rump of the party was left with seven councillors and one TD.

In the North, before the 1992 split, the party had four councillors – Tom French stayed with the party, Gerry Cullen (Dungannon) and Seamus Lynch (Belfast) joined New Agenda/Democratic Left, and David Kettyles ran in subsequent elections in Fermanagh as an Independent or Progressive Socialist.[26]

While the majority of public representatives left with De Rossa, many rank-and-file members remained in the Workers’ Party. Many of these regarded those who broke away as careerists and social democrats who had taken flight after the collapse of the Soviet Union and denounced those who left as ‘liquidators’.[27] Marian Donnelly replaced De Rossa as President from 1992 to 1994. In 1994 Tom French became President and served for four years until Sean Garland was elected President in 1998. Garland retired as President in May 2008 and was replaced by Mick Finnegan who served until September 2014, being replaced by Michael Donnelly[28][29]

A further minor split occurred when a number of members left and established Republican Left; many of these went on to join the Irish Socialist Network. In 1998 another split occurred after a number of former OIRA members in Newry and Belfast,[30] who had been expelled, formed a group called the Official Republican Movement,[31] which recently announced it was decommissioning.

The party today[edit]

The Workers’ Party has struggled since the early 1990s to rejuvenate its fortunes in both Irish jurisdictions. The party maintains a youth wing, Workers’ Party Youth, and a Women’s Committee. It also has offices in Dublin, Belfast, Cork and Waterford. Apart from its political work at home in Ireland, it has sent numerous party delegations to international gatherings of communist and socialist parties.[3]

The party continues to hold a strongly anti-sectarian position and supported an independent anti-sectarian candidate, John Gilliland, in the 2004 European elections in Northern Ireland.[32]

Waterford City remained a holdout for the party in the 1990s and early 2000s. In the 1997 Irish general election Martin O’Regan narrowly failed to secure a seat in the Waterford constituency.[33] However, in February 2008, John Halligan of Waterford resigned from the party when it refused to drop its opposition to service charges.[34] He was later elected a TD for Waterford in the 2011 general election. The party’s sole remaining councillor lost his seat in the 2014 local elections.

Michael Donnelly, a Galway-based university lecturer, was elected as the party President at the party’s Árd Fheis on 27 September 2014 to replace Mick Finnegan who had announced his decision to retire from the position after six years.[35]The General Secretary is John Lowry and the party’s Director of International Affairs is Gerry Grainger. The Workers’ Party in Northern Ireland is registered with the British Electoral Commission, with Lowry named as its leader.[36]

The Workers’ Party called for a No vote against the Treaty of Lisbon in both the June 2008 referendum, in which the proposal was defeated, and the October 2009 referendum, in which the proposal was approved.[37]

The Workers’ Party has been active in grassroot politics throughout the country, including maintaining a presence at pro-Choice marches, LGBT Rights marches, and other progressive movements. It was the only left-wing party to campaign for a No vote in the 2013 Seanad Abolition referendum.

Electoral performance[edit]

Republic of Ireland[edit]

The Workers’ Party made its electoral breakthrough in 1981 when Joe Sherlock won a seat in Cork East. It increased this to three seats in 1982 and to four seats in 1987. The Workers’ Party had its best performance at the polls in 1989 when it won seven seats in the general election and party president Proinsias De Rossa won a seat in Dublin in the European electionheld on the same day, sitting with the communist Left Unity group.[3]

Following the split of 1992, Tomás Mac Giolla, a TD in the Dublin West constituency and President of the party for most of the previous 30 years, was the only member of the Dáil parliamentary party not to side with the new Democratic Left. Mac Giolla lost his seat in the general election later that year, and no TD has been elected for the party since then. However, at local authority level, the Workers’ Party maintained elected representation on Dublin, Cork and Waterford corporations in the aftermath of the split, and Mac Giolla was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1993.

Outside of the south-east, the Workers’ Party retains active branches in various areas of the Republic, including Dublin,Cork, County Meath[38] and County Louth.[citation needed] In the 1999 local elections, it lost all of its seats in Dublin and Cork and only managed to retain three seats in Waterford City. Further electoral setbacks and a minor split left the party after the2004 local elections, with only two councillors, both in Waterford.

The party fielded twelve candidates in the 2009 local elections.[39] The party ran Malachy Steenson in the Dublin Central by-election on the same date.[40] Ted Tynan was elected to Cork City Council in the Cork City North East ward.[41] Davy Walsh retained his seat in Waterford City Council.[42] In the 2014 local elections Tynan retained his seat; however Walsh lost his, following major boundary changes resulting from the merging of Waterford City and County councils. In January 2015, Independent councillor Éilis Ryan on Dublin City Council joined the party.[43]

Poster in Belfast, 2010

In the 2011 general election the Workers’ Party ran six candidates, without success.[44] In the 2016 general election, the party ran five candidates, again without success.

Dáil Éireann electoral performance[edit]

Election Seats won ± Position First Pref votes  % Government Leader
1973
0 / 144

Steady 0 15,366 1.1% No Seats Tomás Mac Giolla
1977
0 / 148

Steady 0 27,209 1.7% No Seats Tomás Mac Giolla
1981
1 / 166

Increase1 1 29,561 1.7% Opposition
(Abstained in initial vote on minority FG/Lab government)
Tomás Mac Giolla
Feb 1982
3 / 166

Increase2 3 38,088 2.3% Opposition
(Supported minority FF government)
Tomás Mac Giolla
Nov 1982
2 / 166

Decrease1 2 54,888 3.3% Opposition Tomás Mac Giolla
1987
4 / 166

Increase2 4 67,273 3.8% Opposition Tomás Mac Giolla
1989
7 / 166

Increase3 7 82,263 5.0% Opposition Proinsias De Rossa
1992
0 / 166

Decrease7 0 11,533 0.7% No Seats Tomás Mac Giolla
1997
0 / 166

Steady 0 7,808 0.4% No Seats Tom French
2002
0 / 166

Steady 0 4,012 0.2% No Seats Seán Garland
2007
0 / 166

Steady 0 3,026 0.1% No Seats Seán Garland
2011
0 / 166

Steady 0 3,056 0.1% No Seats Mick Finnegan
2016
0 / 158

Steady 0 3,242 0.2% No Seats Michael Donnelly

Northern Ireland[edit]

The party gained ten seats at the 1973 Northern Irish local elections.[45] Four years later, in May 1977, this had dropped to six council seats and 2.6% of the vote.[46] One of their best results was when Tom French polled 19% in the 1986 Upper Bann by-election, although no other candidates stood against the sitting MP and a year later, when other parties contested the constituency, he only polled 4.7% of the vote.[47]

Three councillors left the party during the split in 1992. Davy Kettyles became an independent ‘Progressive Socialist’[48]while Gerry Cullen in Dungannon and the Workers’ Party northern chairman, Seamus Lynch in Belfast, joined Democratic Left.[49] The party held onto its one council seat in the 1993 local elections with Peter Smyth retaining the seat that had been held by Tom French in Craigavon.[50] This was lost in 1997,[51] leaving them without elected representation in Northern Ireland.

The party performed poorly in the March 2007 Assembly election; it won no seats, and in its best result in Belfast West, it gained 1.26% of the vote. The party did not field any candidates at the 2010 Westminster general election. In the 2011 Assembly election the Workers’ Party ran in four constituencies, securing 586 first-preference votes (1.7%) in Belfast West and 332 (1%) in Belfast North.

The party contested the Westminster general election in May 2015, standing parliamentary candidates in Northern Ireland for the first time in ten years. It fielded five candidates and secured 2,724 votes, with Gemma Weir picking up 919 votes (2.3%) in Belfast North.

Publications[edit]

The party has published a number of newspapers throughout the years, with many of the theorists of the movement writing for these papers. After the 1970 split the Officials kept publishing the United Irishman (the traditional newspaper of the republican movement) monthly until May 1980. In 1973 the party launched a weekly paper The Irish People, which was focused on issues in the 26 counties, there was also a The Northern People published in Belfast and focused on northern issues.[52] The party published an occasional international bulletin and a woman’s magazine called Women’s View. From 1989 to 1992 it produced a theoretical magazine called Making Sense. Other papers were produced such as Workers’ Weekly.

The party produces a magazine, Look Left.[53] Originally conceived as a straightforward party paper, Look Left was relaunched as a more broad-left style publication in March 2010 but still bearing the emblem of the Workers’ Party. It is distributed by party members and supporters and is also stocked by a number of retailers including Eason’s and several radical/left-wing bookshops.[54]

Traditional Unionist Voice

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Traditional Unionist Voice
Leader Jim Allister MLA QC
Chairman Ivor McConnell
President William Ross
Founded 7 December 2007
Headquarters 139 Holywood Road,Belfast BT4 3BE,
Northern Ireland
Ideology British unionism
Euroscepticism
Social conservatism
Anti-St Andrews Agreement
Political position Right-wing
European affiliation None
European Parliament group None
Colours Red, white, and blue
NI Assembly

1 / 108

NI Local Councils

13 / 462

Website
http://www.tuv.org.uk/

Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) is a unionist political party in Northern Ireland[1] founded on 7 December 2007, as an anti-St Andrews Agreementsplinter group from the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). Its first and current leader is Jim Allister who, until 2009, sat as an independent Member of the European Parliament, having been elected for the DUP in 2004.[2][3] In the2009 European elections Allister lost his seat when he stood as a TUV candidate. In June 2008, it was announced that former Ulster Unionist Party(UUP) MP William Ross had been made party president.[4]

The founding principles of the TUV were:[5]

Election history[edit]

Local by-elections[edit]

The party’s first electoral contest was the Dromore local government by-election for Banbridge District Council[6] which took place on 13 February 2008[7] with its candidate being Dromore solicitor, Keith Harbinson. He took 19.5% of the first preference votes cast.

TUV was the last party to be eliminated, and more of its votes transferred to the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) than to theDemocratic Unionist Party (DUP), enabling the former to retain its seat.[8]

At a Craigavon Borough Council local by-election in Lurgan on 14 January 2010, the TUV won 19.3% of first preference votes. The UUP candidate, Jo-Anne Dobson, won with 63.9%. The DUP did not contest the seat.

European Parliament election 2009[edit]

Jim Allister, leader of the TUV, contested the European Parliament election on 4 June 2009. He stood on a ticket of opposition to the DUP/Sinn Féin-led Northern Ireland Executive.[9] The election turned out to be hotly contested, with the unionist vote split three ways. Sinn Féin’s sitting MEP Bairbre de Brún topped the poll (a first for any Irish nationalist candidate). The Ulster Conservative and Unionist candidate Jim Nicholson took the second seat, with Diane Dodds of the DUP coming in third place, defeating Allister. The TUV polled 66,000 votes. Allister called the results a victory for unionism and indicated his intention to stand TUV candidates in future Northern Ireland Assembly and parliamentary elections. Allister commented, “It shows the depth of feeling that there is among many unionists who refuse to be rolled over in the era of Sinn Féin rule, who have quite rightly a resentment against those who betrayed them, deceived them, conned them, in the assembly election.”

Party Candidate Seats Loss/Gain First Preference Votes Seat
Number  % of vote
Sinn Féin Bairbre de Brún 1 0 126,184 25.8 1st
DUP Diane Dodds 1 0 88,346 18.1 3rd
UCU-NF Jim Nicholson 1 0 82,892 17.0 2nd
SDLP Alban Maginness 0 0 78,489 16.1
TUV Jim Allister 0 0 66,197 13.5
Alliance Ian Parsley 0 0 26,699 5.5
Green (NI) Steven Agnew 0 0 15,764 3.2
Turnout[10] 488,891 42.8

Source: RTÉ News

2010 Westminster general election[edit]

On 6 May at the 2010 general election for the Westminster parliament, the TUV received 26,300 votes across Northern Ireland, a large drop on what it had received in the previous year’s European elections. In the same election, the DUP received 168,216 votes and the UCUNF received 102,361 votes. The TUV failed to win any of the 10 seats it contested. A week after the election, the TUV acknowledged on their website that the results had been ‘disappointing’.[11]

Constituency Candidate Votes  % Position
Belfast East David Vance 1,856 5.4 4
East Antrim Sammy Morrison 1,826 6.0 6
East Londonderry William Ross 2,572 7.4 5
Lagan Valley Keith Harbinson 3,154 8.6 4
Mid Ulster Walter Millar 2,995 7.3 5
North Antrim Jim Allister 7,114 16.8 2
North Down Kaye Kilpatrick 1,634 4.9 4
South Antrim Mel Lucas 1,829 5.4 6
South Down Ivor McConnell 1,506 3.5 5
Strangford Terry Williams 1,814 5.6 5

2011 council elections[edit]

Traditional Unionist Voice fielded 41 candidates in the 2011 council elections. It received 2% of the overall vote. Two TUV candidates were elected in Ballymena, and one each in Moyle, Ballymoney, Larne and Limavady.[12]

2011 Assembly election[edit]

The party fielded 12 candidates for the 2011 Assembly election. TUV received 16,480 votes or 2.5% of the poll, which was a drop in the number of votes received in the 2010 election. Eleven candidates were unsuccessful but in the North Antrim constituency Jim Allister received 4,061 first preference votes (10.1%), and on the ninth and last count was deemed to be elected without reaching the quota of 5,760 votes.[13]

2014 European Parliament election[edit]

In 2014, Allister once again contested the Northern Ireland constituency in the European Parliament election. On this occasion he polled 75,806 first preference votes, 12.1% of the total.[14] This represented an increase in the number of votes, but a decrease of just over one percentage point in terms of vote share. Allister again failed to be elected, with Sinn Féin, the DUP and UUP all retaining their seats. Allister was eliminated in the sixth of eight counts.[15]

2014 council elections[edit]

In the Northern Ireland local elections, 2014 (held on the same day as the European election) for the eleven new local councils in Northern Ireland, TUV candidates polled a total of 28,310 first preference votes, or 4.5%, an increase on the previous council elections. The party had 13 successful candidates.[16] They achieved their largest number of councillors inMid and East Antrim, where they became the third-largest party with five seats. They won three seats in Causeway Coast and Glens, two in Antrim and Newtownabbey and one each in Belfast, North Down and Ards and Lisburn and Castlereagh.

2015 general election[edit]

The party stood in seven constituencies, taking second in North Antrim but failing to place in the top four elsewhere..

Constituency Candidate Votes  % Position
East Antrim Ruth Wilson 1,903 5.7 6
Lagan Valley Samuel Morrison 1,887 4.7 6
Mid Ulster Gareth Ferguson 1,892 4.6 5
North Antrim Timothy Gaston 6,561 15.7 2
North Down William Cudworth 686 1.9 7
South Antrim Rick Cairns 1,908 5.2 6
Strangford Stephen Cooper 1,701 5.1 7

2016 Assembly Election[edit]

The party stood in nine constituencies.Jim Allister retained his seat in North Antrim but were unable to add any additional MLA’s.

Constituency Candidate Votes  % Position
East Antrim Ruth Wilson 1,643 5.1 10
East Londonderry Jordon Armstrong 1,191 3.5 11
Lagan Valley Lyle Rea 1,291 3.3 10
Mid Ulster Hanna Loughrin 1,877 4.6 8
North Antrim Jim Allister 5,399 13.2 2
North Antrim Timothy Gaston 1,955 4.8 9
North Down John Brennan 610 1.9 12
South Antrim Rick Cairns 1,318 3.8 10
Strangford Stephen Cooper 1,407 4.3 10
Upper Bann Roy Ferguson 1,177 2.6 10

Controversy[edit]

On 4 November 2009, the party caused controversy when it referred to the Irish language as a “leprechaun language” on its web site.[17] The statement was issued under the name of TUV vice-chairman Keith Harbinson and condemned theDepartment of Education for “wasting” money on Irish.[17] The party later removed the phrase, but the original page had already been spread on numerous other websites.[17]

In December 2009, TUV member Trevor Collins promoted a petition to release Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) memberTorrens Knight from prison. Knight had already been imprisoned for taking part in the Greysteel massacre and Castlerock killings in 1993. He was released under the terms of the Belfast Agreement (1998), but in earlier in 2009 had been sent back to prison for beating two women in a bar. Party leader Jim Allister refused to take action against Collins.[18]

On 28 November 2012, Ballymena TUV councillor David Tweed was convicted on 13 counts of sexual offences against two young girls. Pending sentencing he remained a member of Ballymena Borough Council and of the TUV,[19] although the party announced on 15 November that it had ‘suspended’ his membership “not because we doubt his innocence, but because this is what the party rules require.”[20] The TUV also stated that the sex offences related “to a period long before he was a member of this party”.[21] In January 2013 Tweed was sentenced to eight years’ imprisonment. The TUV chose one of its unsuccessful 2011 Ballymena candidates, Timothy Gaston, to replace Tweed as a councillor.[22]

Leader[edit]

# Leader Born-Died Term start Term end
1 Jim Allister JimAllister.jpg 1953– 7 December 2007 Incumbent

References

Ulster Unionist Party

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
“UUP” redirects here. For the chemical element, see Ununpentium. For the Updated Airspace Use Plan, see Airspace Use Plan.
Ulster Unionist Party
Abbreviation UUP
Leader Mike Nesbitt MLA
Chairman The Lord Empey
Founded 3 March 1905
Preceded by Irish Unionist Alliance
Headquarters Strandtown Hall
2-4 Belmont Road
Belfast
Northern Ireland
Youth wing Young Unionists
Ideology British unionism[1]
Conservatism[1]
Liberalism[2]
Progressivism[2]
Soft euroscepticism[1]
Political position Centre-right[3]
European affiliation Alliance of European Conservatives and Reformists
International affiliation None
European Parliament group European Conservatives and Reformists
Colours Red, white and blue
House of Commons
(NI Seats)
2 / 18

House of Lords
2 / 800

EU Parliament
(NI seats)
1 / 3

NI Assembly
16 / 108

NI Local Councils
90 / 462

Website
Official Website

The Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) is one of the two main unionist political parties in Northern Ireland.[4] It governed Northern Ireland between 1921 and 1972 and was supported by most unionist voters throughout the conflict known as the Troubles, during which time it was often referred to as the Official Unionist Party (OUP).[5][6] The party is led by Mike Nesbitt.

Since 1999, the UUP has lost support among Northern Ireland’s unionists to the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) in successive elections at all levels of government.

In 2009, the party entered an electoral alliance with the Conservative Partyand the two parties fielded joint candidates for elections to the House of Commons and the European Parliament as Ulster Conservatives and Unionists – New Force (UCUNF).[7][8]

At the 2015 general election, the party won two seats in the House of Commons, Fermanagh and South Tyrone and South Antrim.

Currently, the UUP are working with the Social Democratic and Labour Party(SDLP) to form an official opposition in the Northern Irish government, instead of following the standard procedure that has been in place since 2007 – entering into a 5-party coalition with the SDLP, the DUP, Sinn Fein and theAlliance Party.

History[edit]

1880s to 1921[edit]

The Ulster Unionist Party traces its formal existence back to the foundation of the Ulster Unionist Council in 1905. Before that, however, there had been a less formally organised Irish Unionist Alliance (IUA) since the late 19th century, usually dominated by unionists from Ulster. Modern organised unionism properly emerged after William Ewart Gladstone‘s introduction in 1886 of the first of three Home Rule Bills in response to demands by the Irish Parliamentary Party. The IUA was an alliance of Irish Conservatives and Liberal Unionists, the latter having split from the Liberal Party over the issue ofhome rule. It was the merger of these two parties in 1912 that gave rise to the current name of the Conservative and Unionist Party, to which the UUP was formally linked (to varying degrees) until 1985.

From the beginning, the party had a strong association with the Orange Order, a Protestant fraternal organisation. The original composition of the Ulster Unionist Council was 25% Orange delegates,[9] however this was reduced through the years. Although most unionist support was based in the geographic area that became Northern Ireland, there were at one time unionist enclaves throughout southern Ireland. Unionists in County Cork and Dublin were particularly influential. The initial leadership of the Ulster Unionist Party all came from outside what would later become Northern Ireland; men such asColonel Saunderson, Viscount (later the Earl of) Midleton and the Dubliner Edward Carson, all members of the Irish Unionist Alliance. However, after the Irish Convention failed to reach an understanding on home rule and with the partition of Ireland under the Government of Ireland Act 1920, Irish unionism in effect split. Many southern unionist politicians quickly became reconciled with the new Irish Free State, sitting in its Seanad or joining its political parties. The existence of a separate Ulster Unionist Party became entrenched as the party took control of the new government of Northern Ireland.

Carson inspecting the UVF, pre-1914

The leadership of the UUP was taken by Sir Edward Carson in 1910. Throughout his 11-year leadership he fought a sustained campaign against Irish Home Rule, including being involved in the formation of the Ulster Volunteers (UVF) in 1912. In the 1918 general election, Carson switched constituencies from his former seat ofDublin University to Belfast Duncairn. Carson strongly opposed the partition of Ireland and the end of unionism as an all-Ireland political force, so he refused the opportunity to be Prime Minister of Northern Ireland or even to sit in the Northern Ireland House of Commons, citing a lack of connection with the place. The leadership of the UUP and, subsequently, Northern Ireland, was taken by Sir James Craig.

The Stormont era[edit]

1920-1963[edit]

Until almost the very end of its period of power in Northern Ireland, the UUP was led by a combination of landed gentry (Basil Brooke, 1st Viscount Brookeborough andJames Chichester-Clark), aristocracy (Terence O’Neill) and gentrified industrial magnates (James Craig, 1st Viscount Craigavon and John Miller Andrews – nephew of William Pirrie, 1st Viscount Pirrie). Only its last Prime Minister, Brian Faulkner, was from a middle-class background. During this era, all but 11 of the 149 UUP Stormont MPs were members of the Orange Order, as were all Prime Ministers.[10]

James Craig governed Northern Ireland from its inception until his death in 1940 and is buried with his wife by the east wing of Parliament Buildings. His successor, J. M. Andrews, was heavily criticised for appointing octogenarian veterans of Craigavon’s administration to his cabinet. His government was also believed to be more interested in protecting the statue of Carson at the Stormont Estate than the citizens of Belfast during the Belfast blitz. A backbench revolt in 1943 resulted in his resignation and replacement by Sir Basil Brooke (later Viscount Brookeborough), although he was recognised as leader of the party until 1946.

Brookeborough, despite having felt that Craigavon had held on to power for too long, was Prime Minister for one year longer. During this time he was on more than one occasion called to meetings of the Grand Orange Lodge of Ireland to explain his actions, most notably following the 1947 Education Act which made the government responsible for the payment of National Insurance contributions of teachers in Catholic Church-controlled schools. Ian Paisley called for Brookeborough’s resignation in 1953 when he refused to sack Brian Maginess and Clarence Graham, who had given speeches supporting re-admitting Catholics to the UUP.[11] He retired in 1963 and was replaced by Terence O’Neill, who emerged ahead of other candidates, Jack Andrews and Faulkner.

1963-72[edit]

In the 1960s, identifying with the civil rights movement of Martin Luther King and encouraged by attempts at reform under O’Neill, various organisations campaigned for civil rights, calling for changes to the system for allocating public housing and the voting system for the local government franchise, which was restricted to (disproportionately Protestant) rate payers.[12][13][14][15] O’Neill had pushed through some reforms but in the process the Ulster Unionists became strongly divided. At the 1969 Stormont General Election UUP candidates stood on both pro- and anti-O’Neill platforms. Several independent pro-O’Neill unionists challenging his critics, whilst the Protestant Unionist Party of Ian Paisley mounted a hard-line challenge. The result proved inconclusive for O’Neill, who resigned a short time later. His resignation was probably caused by a speech of James Chichester-Clark who stated that he disagreed with the timing, but not the principle, of universal suffrage at local elections.

Chichester-Clark won the leadership election to replace O’Neill and swiftly moved to implement many of O’Neill’s reforms. Civil disorder continued to mount, culminating in August 1969 when Catholic Bogside residents clashed with the Royal Ulster Constabulary in Derry because of anApprentice Boys of Derry march, sparking days of riots. Early in 1971, Chichester-Clark flew to London to request further military aid following the 1971 Scottish soldiers’ killings.[citation needed] When this was all but refused, he resigned to bereplaced by Brian Faulkner.

Faulkner’s government struggled though 1971 and into 1972. After Bloody Sunday, the British Government threatened to remove control of the security forces from the devolved government. Faulkner reacted by resigning with his entire cabinet, and the British Government suspended, and eventually abolished, the Northern Ireland Parliament, replacing it with Direct Rule.

The liberal unionist group, the New Ulster Movement, which had advocated the policies of Terence O’Neill, left and formed the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland in April 1970, while the emergence of Ian Paisley’s Protestant Unionist Partycontinued to draw off some working-class and more Ulster loyalist support.

1972–1995[edit]

Ulster Unionist Party, 1974. Troubled Images Exhibition, Linen Hall Library, Belfast, August 2010

In June 1973 the UUP won a majority of seats in the new Northern Ireland Assembly, but the party was divided on policy. The Sunningdale Agreement, which led to the formation of a power-sharing Executive under Ulster Unionist leader Brian Faulkner, ruptured the party. In the 1973 elections to the Executive the party found itself divided, a division that did not formally end until January 1974 with the triumph of the anti-Sunningdale faction. Faulkner was then overthrown, and he set up theUnionist Party of Northern Ireland (UPNI). The Ulster Unionists were then led byHarry West from 1974 until 1979. In the February 1974 general election, the party participated in the United Ulster Unionist Coalition (UUUC) with Vanguard and theDemocratic Unionist Party, successor to the Protestant Unionist Party. The result was that the UUUC won 11 out of 12 parliamentary seats in Northern Ireland on a fiercely anti-Sunningdale platform, although they barely won 50% of the overall popular vote. This result was a fatal blow for the Executive, which soon collapsed.

Up until 1974 the UUP was affiliated with the National Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations, and Ulster Unionist MPs sat with the Conservative Party atWestminster, traditionally taking the Conservative parliamentary whip. To all intents and purposes the party functioned as the Northern Ireland branch of the Conservative Party. In 1974, in protest over the Sunningdale Agreement, the Westminster Ulster Unionist MPs withdrew from the alliance. The party remained affiliated to the National Union but in 1985, they withdrew from it as well, in protest over the Anglo-Irish Agreement. Subsequently, the Conservative Party has organised separately in Northern Ireland, with little electoral success.

Under West’s leadership, the party recruited Enoch Powell, who became Ulster Unionist MP for South Down in October 1974 after defecting from the Conservatives. Powell advocated a policy of ‘integration’, whereby Northern Ireland would be administered as an integral part of the United Kingdom. This policy divided both the Ulster Unionists and the wider unionist movement, as Powell’s ideas conflicted with those supporting a restoration of devolved government to Northern Ireland. The party also made gains upon the break-up of the Vanguard Party and its merger back into the Ulster Unionists. The separate United Ulster Unionist Party (UUUP) emerged from the remains of Vanguard but folded in the early 1980s, as did the UPNI. In both cases the main beneficiaries of this were the Ulster Unionists, now under the leadership of James Molyneaux (1979–95).

Trimble leadership[edit]

David Trimble led the party between 1995 and 2005. His support for the Belfast Agreement caused a rupture within the party into pro-agreement and anti-agreement factions. Trimble served as First Minister of Northern Ireland in the power-sharing administration created under the Belfast Agreement.

Unusually for a unionist party, the UUP had a Roman Catholic Member of the Legislative Assembly (MLA) (the Northern Ireland Legislative Assembly), Sir John Gorman until the 2003 election. In March 2005, the Orange Order voted to end its official links with the UUP, while still maintaining the same unofficial links as other interest groups. Trimble faced down Orange Order critics who tried to suspend him for his attendance at a Catholic funeral for a young boy killed by the Real IRA in the Omagh bombing. Trimble and Irish president Mary McAleese, in a sign of unity, walked into the church together.

General elections[edit]

In the 2001 general election, the Ulster Unionists lost a number of seats belonging to UUP stalwarts; for example, John Taylor, the former deputy leader of the party, lost his seat of Strangford to Iris Robinson.

The party’s misfortunes continued at the 2005 election, where they experienced a massive fall from grace. The party held six seats at Westminster immediately before the 2005 general election, down from seven after the previous general election following the defection of Jeffrey Donaldson in 2004. The election resulted in the loss of five of their six seats. The only seat won by an Ulster Unionist was North Down, by Lady Sylvia Hermon MP, who won the seat in the 2001 general election from Raymond McCartney of United Kingdom Unionist Party. Only the Labour Party lost more seats in 2005. David Trimble himself lost his seat in Upper Bann and resigned as party leader soon after. The ensuing leadership election was won byReg Empey.

2005–2010[edit]

In May 2006 UUP leader Reg Empey attempted to create a new assembly group that would have included Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) leader David Ervine. The PUP is the political wing of the illegal Ulster Volunteer Force(UVF).[16][17][18][19][20] Many in the UUP, including the last remaining MP, Sylvia Hermon, were opposed to the move.[21][22]The link was in the form of a new group called the ‘Ulster Unionist Party Assembly Group’ whose membership was the 24 UUP MLAs and Ervine. Empey justified the link by stating that under the d’Hondt method for allocating ministers in the Assembly, the new group would take a seat in the Executive from Sinn Féin.

Following a request for a ruling from the DUP’s Peter Robinson, the Speaker ruled that the UUPAG was not a political party within the meaning of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000.[23]

The party did poorly in the 2007 Northern Ireland Assembly election. The party retained 18 of its seats within the assembly.[24] Empey was the only leader of one of the four main parties not to be re-elected on first preference votes alone in the Assembly elections of March 2007.

Party Leader Candidates Seats Change from 2003 1st Pref Votes 1st Pref % Change from 2003 Executive seats
UUP Reg Empey 38 18 Decrease 9 103,145 14.9 Decrease 7.7 2

In July 2008, the UUP and Conservative Party announced that a joint working group had been established to examine closer ties. On 26 February 2009, the Ulster Unionist Executive and area council of Northern Ireland Conservatives agreed to field joint candidates in future elections to the House of Commons and European Parliament under the name “Ulster Conservatives and Unionists – New Force”. The agreement meant that Ulster Unionist MPs could have sat in a Conservative Government, renewing its own former relationship with the Conservatives and that of the Scottish Unionist Party before its merger to form the current Conservative Party.[7][25] The UUP’s sole remaining MP at the time, Sylvia Hermon, opposed the agreement, stating she would not be willing to stand under the UCUNF banner.[26]

In February 2010, Hermon confirmed that she would not be seeking a nomination as a Conservative/UUP candidate for the forthcoming general election.[27] On 25 March 2010, she formally resigned from the party and announced that she would be standing as an independent candidate at the general election.[28] As a result, the UUP were left without representation in the House of Commons for the first time since the party’s creation.

Northern Ireland election seats 1997-2015.svg

At the 2010 General Election, UCUNF won no seats in Northern Ireland (while Hermon won hers as an independent). The Ulster Conservatives and Unionists – New Force label was not used again. Following the election, Sir Reg Empey resigned as leader. He was replaced by Tom Elliott as party leader in the subsequent leadership election. During the leadership election, it emerged that a quarter of the UUP membership came from Fermanagh and South Tyrone, an area with about 6% of Northern Ireland’s population. the constituency of Tom Elliott.[29] The Dublin-based political magazine, the Phoenix, described Elliott as a “blast from the past” and said that his election signified “a significant shift to the right” by the UUP.[30]Shortly after his election, three 2010 general election candidates resigned: Harry Hamilton, Paula Bradshaw and Trevor Ringland.[31] Bradshaw and Hamilton subsequently joined the Alliance Party.[32]

2011-present[edit]

The party further declined in the 2011 Assembly elections (standing again as the UUP). It lost two seats and won fewer votes than the nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) (although it won more seats than the SDLP) and two of its candidates, Bill Manwaring and Lesley Macaulay, subsequently joined the Conservative Party. In addition, east of the Bann, it lost seats to the Alliance Party. It was also overtaken by Alliance on Belfast City Council.[33]

Party Leader Candidates Seats Change from 2007 1st Pref Votes 1st Pref % Change from 2007 Executive seats
UUP Tom Elliott 29 16 Decrease 2 87,258 13.2 Decrease 1.7 1

Tom Elliott was criticised for comments he made in his victory speech where he described elements of Sinn Féin as “scum”.[34] Elliott resigned in March 2012 saying some people had not given him a ‘fair opportunity’ to develop and progress many party initiatives.[35] Mike Nesbitt was elected leader on 31 March 2012, beating the only other candidate, John McCallister, by 536 votes to 129.[36]

The Conservatives and the UUP went their separate ways again,[37] with the Conservatives in NI relaunching as a separate party on 14 June 2012.[38]

However, in light of all these failures, the party has managed to reverse their decline to an extent in elections from 2014.

Although their MEP seat, held by Jim Nicholson had its vote percentage decreased slightly in the 2014 election, the party managed to make gains in the local elections of that same day. They increased their share by 0.9%, making it the only party to increase its vote share, and gaining 15 seats as a result.

At the 2015 general election, the UUP returned to Westminster, gaining the South Antrim seat from the DUP and Fermanagh & South Tyrone (where they had an electoral pact with the DUP not standing) from Sinn Féin.

Structure[edit]

The UUP is still organised around the Ulster Unionist Council, which was from 1905 until 2004 the only legal representation of the party. Following the adoption of a new Constitution in 2004, the UUP has been an entity in its own right, however the UUC still exists as the supreme decision making body of the Party. In autumn 2007 the delegates system was done away with, and today all UUP members are members of the Ulster Unionist Council, with entitlements to vote for the Leader, party officers and on major policy decisions.

Each Constituency in Northern Ireland forms the boundary of a UUP Constituency Association, which is made up of branches formed along local boundaries (usually District Electoral Areas). There are also four ‘representative bodies’, theUlster Women’s Unionist Council, the Ulster Young Unionist Council, the Westminster Unionist Association (the party’s Great Britain branch) and the Ulster Unionist Councillors Association. Each Constituency Association and Representative Body elects a number of delegates to the Party Executive Committee, which governs many areas of party administration such as membership and candidate selection.

The UUP maintained a formal connection with the Orange Order from its foundation until 2005, and with the Apprentice Boys of Derry until 1975. Only three of the party’s Westminster MPs (Enoch Powell, Ken Maginnis and Sylvia Hermon) have not been members of the Orange Order. This was said to be a factor in discouraging Catholic membership of the party. While the party was considering structural reforms, including the connection with the Order, it was the Order itself that severed the connection in 2004. The connection with the Apprentice Boys was cut in a 1975 review of the party’s structure as they had not taken up their delegates for several years beforehand.

Youth wing[edit]

The UUP’s youth wing is the Young Unionists, first formed in 2004 as a rebrand of the Ulster Young Unionist Council, which formed in 1946. Many of its members have stayed with the party, such as the present leader of the UUP. Others have left to start other Unionist parties. Having disbanded twice, in 1974 and 2004, the Council was re-constituted by young activists in March 2004. This resulted in the Young Unionists (YU) becoming a representative body of the UUP and subject to its revamp of their Constitution.

Representatives[edit]

Parliament of the United Kingdom[edit]

Members of the House of Commons as of May 2015:

Members of the House of Lords as of May 2015:

Northern Ireland Assembly[edit]

Members of the Northern Ireland Assembly as elected in May 2016:

European Parliament[edit]

Members elected in 2014:

Party leadership[edit]

Party spokesmen[edit]

The current Party spokesman are:[39]

Responsibility Name
Executive Office Mike Nesbitt MLA
Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs Harold McKee MLA
Communities Andy Allen MLA
Education Sandra Overend MLA
Economy Steve Aiken MLA
Finance Philip Smith MLA
Health Jo-Anne Dobson MLA
Infrastructure Jenny Palmer MLA
Justice Doug Beattie MC MLA
Mental Health Robbie Butler MLA
Policing Ross Hussey MLA

Party Officers[edit]

The current Party Officers are:

Clssification Name
Leader Mike Nesbitt MLA
Party Chairman Lord Empey
Party Vice Chairman Roy McCune
Assembly Group Leader Robin Swann MLA
Westminster Leader Lord Rogan
Party Treasurer Ald Mark Cosgrove
Chairman of the Councillors’ Association Cllr Trevor Wilson
Member of the European Parliament Jim Nicholson MEP
Leader’s Nominee Tom Elliott MP
Leader’s Nominee Phillip Smyth
Members’ Nominee George White
Members’ Nominee Cllr Alexander Redpath
Members’ Nominee Julie Kee

Electoral history[edit]

See also[edit]

References

Sinn Féin

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
For other uses of the term, see Sinn Féin (disambiguation).
Sinn Féin
President Gerry Adams TD
Secretary General Dawn Doyle
Vice-President Mary Lou McDonaldTD
Assembly Group Leader Carál Ní Chuilín MLA
Founder Arthur Griffith
Founded 28 November 1905
(original form)
17 January 1970
(current form)
Headquarters 44 Parnell Square, Dublin 1, Ireland
Newspaper An Phoblacht
Youth wing Sinn Féin Republican Youth
Ideology Irish republicanism
Left-wing nationalism
Democratic socialism[1]

Secularism[2]
Soft Euroscepticism
Political position Left-wing
European Parliament group European United Left–Nordic Green Left
Colours Green
Slogan “Building an Ireland of Equals”
Dáil Éireann
23 / 158

Seanad Éireann
7 / 60

Northern Ireland Assembly
28 / 108

House of Commons
(NI Seats)
4 / 18

(Abstentionist)

European Parliament(Republic of Ireland)
3 / 11

European Parliament(Northern Ireland)
1 / 3

Local government in the Republic of Ireland
156 / 949

Local government in Northern Ireland
105 / 462

Website
www.sinnfein.ie

Sinn Féin (/ʃɪn ˈfn/ shin-fayn[3] Irish pronunciation: [ʃɪnʲ ˈfʲeːnʲ]) is an Irish republican political party active on Ireland. The phrase “Sinn Féin” is Irish for “ourselves” or “we ourselves”,[4][5] although it is frequently mistranslated as “ourselves alone”.[6] The Sinn Féin organisation was founded in 1905 byArthur Griffith. It took its current form in 1970 after a split within the party (with the other party becoming the Workers’ Party of Ireland), and has historically been associated with the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA).[7] Gerry Adams has been party president since 1983. The party supports separatist movements in Scotland, the Basque Country and Catalonia.

Sinn Féin is the second-largest party behind the Democratic Unionist Party(DUP) in the Northern Ireland Assembly, where it has four ministerial posts in the power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive, and the third-largest party in the Oireachtas, the parliament of the Republic of Ireland. Sinn Féin received the second highest number of Northern Ireland votes and seats in the 2015 Westminster elections, behind the DUP.

Name[edit]

The name of the party Sinn Féin is from the Irish language and means “We Ourselves” (often mistranslated as “Ourselves Alone”) . The meaning of the name itself is an assertion of Irish national sovereignty and self-determination, i.e. – the Irish people governing themselves, rather than being part of a political union with Great Britain (England, Scotland and Wales) under the Westminster Parliament.

Around the time of 1969–1970, due to the split in the Republican movement there were two groups calling themselves Sinn Féin; one under Tomás Mac Giolla, the other under Ruairí Ó Brádaigh. The latter became known as Sinn Féin (Kevin Street) or Provisional Sinn Féin and the former became known as Sinn Féin (Gardiner Place) or Official Sinn Féin. As the “Officials” dropped all mention of Sinn Féin from their name in 1982, instead calling itself the “Workers’ Party”, the Provisionals were now generally known as Sinn Féin. Supporters of Republican Sinn Féin from the 1986 split still use the term “Provisional Sinn Féin” to refer to the party led by Gerry Adams.

History[edit]

Alternative logo – glyph version

Main article: History of Sinn Féin

1905–1970[edit]

Sinn Féin was founded on 28 November 1905, when, at the first annual Convention of the National Council, Arthur Griffith outlined the Sinn Féin policy, “to establish in Ireland’s capital a national legislature endowed with the moral authority of the Irish nation”.[5][8] Sinn Féin contested the North Leitrim by-election, 1908, and secured 27% of the vote.[9] Thereafter, both support and membership fell. At the 1910 Ard Fheis (party conference) the attendance was poor and there was difficulty finding members willing to take seats on the executive.[10]

In 1914, Sinn Féin members, including Griffith, joined the anti-Redmond Irish Volunteers, which was referred to byRedmondites and others as the “Sinn Féin Volunteers”. Although Griffith himself did not take part in the Easter Rising of 1916, many Sinn Féin members, who were also members of both the Volunteers and the Irish Republican Brotherhood, did. Government and newspapers dubbed the Rising “the Sinn Féin Rising”.[11] After the Rising, republicans came together under the banner of Sinn Féin, and at the 1917 Ard Fheis the party committed itself for the first time to the establishment of an Irish Republic. In the 1918 general election, Sinn Féin won 73 of Ireland’s 105 seats, and in January 1919, its MPs assembled in Dublin and proclaimed themselves Dáil Éireann, the parliament of Ireland. The party supported the Irish Republican Army during the War of Independence, and members of the Dáil government negotiated the Anglo-Irish Treatywith the British Government in 1921. In the Dáil debates that followed, the party divided on the Treaty. Anti-Treaty members led by Éamon de Valera walked out, and pro- and anti-Treaty members took opposite sides in the ensuing Civil War.[12]

The campaign car of Joseph McGuinness, who won the 1917 South Longford by-election whilst imprisoned. He was one of the first Sinn Féin members to be elected. In 1921 he sided with Collins in the Treaty debate.

Pro-Treaty Dáil deputies and other Treaty supporters formed a new party,Cumann na nGaedheal, on 27 April 1923 at a meeting in Dublin where delegates agreed on a constitution and political programme.[13] Cumann na nGaedheal governed the new Irish Free State for ten years. It merged with two other organisations to form Fine Gael in 1933.[14] Anti-Treaty Sinn Féin members continued to boycott the Dáil. At a special Ard Fheis in March 1926 de Valera proposed that elected members be allowed to take their seats in the Dáil if and when the controversial Oath of Allegiance was removed. When his motion was defeated, de Valera resigned from Sinn Féin and on 16 May 1926 founded his own party, Fianna Fáil, which was dedicated to republicanising the Free State from within its political structures. He took most Sinn Féin TDs with him.[15] De Valera’s resignation meant also the loss of financial support from America.[16] The rump Sinn Féin party could field no more than fifteen candidates,[17] and won only six seats in the June election, a level of support not seen since before 1916.[18][19] Vice-President and de facto leader Mary MacSwiney announced that the party simply did not have the funds to contest the second election called that year, declaring “no true Irish citizen can vote for any of the other parties”.[19]

An attempt in the 1940s to access funds which had been put in the care of the High Court led to the Sinn Féin Funds case, which the party lost and in which the judge ruled that it was not the direct successor of the Sinn Féin of 1917.[20] At theWestminister 1959 general election, the Sinn Féin vote dropped almost 60% from the 1955 number 152,000 to 63,000.[21]In the 1960s, Sinn Féin moved to the left and became involved in campaigns over the provision of housing and social services. It also adopted a “National Liberation Strategy” which was the brainchild of Roy Johnston. In 1967 the GarlandCommission was set up to investigate the possibility of ending abstentionism. Its report angered many traditionalists within the party, notably Seán Mac Stíofáin and Ruairí Ó Brádaigh.[22]

1970–1975[edit]

The Sinn Féin party split in two at the beginning of 1970. At the party’s Ard Fheis on 11 January the proposal to end abstentionism and take seats, if elected, in the Dáil, the Parliament of Northern Ireland and the Parliament of the United Kingdom was put before the members.[23] A similar motion had been adopted at an IRA convention the previous month, leading to the formation of a Provisional Army Council by Mac Stíofáin and other members opposed to the leadership. When the motion was put to the Ard Fheis, it failed to achieve the necessary two-thirds majority. The Executive attempted to circumvent this by introducing a motion in support of IRA policy, at which point the dissenting delegates walked out of the meeting. These members reconvened at another place, appointed a Caretaker Executive and pledged allegiance to the Provisional Army Council. The Caretaker Executive declared itself opposed to the ending of abstentionism, the drift towards “extreme forms of socialism”, the failure of the leadership to defend the nationalist people of Belfast during the 1969 Northern Ireland riots, and the expulsion of traditional republicans by the leadership during the 1960s.[24] At its October 1970 Ard Fheis, delegates were informed that an IRA convention had been held and had regularised its structure, bringing to an end the ‘provisional’ period.[25] By then, however, the label “Provisional” or “Provo” was already being applied to them by the media.[26] The opposing, anti-abstentionist party became known as “Official Sinn Féin”.[27] It changed its name in 1977 to “Sinn Féin, the Workers’ Party”,[28] and in 1982 to “The Workers’ Party“.[29]

Because the “Provisionals” were committed to military rather than political action, Sinn Féin’s initial membership was largely confined, in Danny Morrison‘s words, to people “over military age or women”. A Belfast Sinn Féin organiser of the time described the party’s role as “agitation and publicity”.[30] New cumainn (branches) were established in Belfast, and a new newspaper, Republican News, was published.[31] Sinn Féin took off as a protest movement after the introduction ofinternment in August 1971, organising marches and pickets.[32] The party launched its platform, Éire Nua (a New Ireland) at the 1971 Ard Fheis.[33] In general, however, the party lacked a distinct political philosophy. In the words of Brian Feeney, “Ó Brádaigh would use Sinn Féin ard fheiseanna to announce republican policy, which was, in effect, IRA policy, namely that Britain should leave the North or the ‘war’ would continue”.[34] Sinn Féin was given a concrete presence in the community when the IRA declared a ceasefire in 1975. ‘Incident centres’ were set up to communicate potential confrontations to the British authorities. They were manned by Sinn Féin, which had been legalised the year before by Secretary of State, Merlyn Rees.[35]

1976–1983[edit]

Political status for prisoners became an issue after the ending of the truce. Rees released the last of the internees but introduced the Diplock courts, and ended ‘Special Category Status‘ for all prisoners convicted after 1 March 1976. This led first to the blanket protest, and then to the dirty protest .[36] Around the same time, Gerry Adams began writing forRepublican News, calling for Sinn Féin to become more involved politically .[37] Over the next few years, Adams and those aligned with him would extend their influence throughout the republican movement and slowly marginalise Ó Brádaigh, part of a general trend of power in both Sinn Féin and the IRA shifting north.[38] In particular, Ó’Brádaigh’s part in the 1975 IRA ceasefire had damaged his reputation in the eyes of Ulster republicans.[39]

The prisoners’ protest climaxed with the 1981 hunger strike, during which striker Bobby Sands was elected Member of Parliament for Fermanagh and South Tyrone as an Anti H-Block candidate. After his death on hunger strike, his seat was held, with an increased vote, by his election agent, Owen Carron. These successes convinced republicans that they should contest every election.[40] Danny Morrison expressed the mood at the 1981 Ard Fheis when he said:

“Who here really believes we can win the war through the ballot box? But will anyone here object if, with a ballot paper in this hand and an Armalite in the other, we take power in Ireland?”.[41]

This was the origin of what became known as the Armalite and ballot box strategy. Éire Nua was dropped in 1982, and the following year Ó Brádaigh stepped down as leader, and was replaced by Adams.[42]

1983–1998[edit]

Under Adams’ leadership electoral politics became increasingly important. In 1983 Alex Maskey was elected to Belfast City Council, the first Sinn Féin member to sit on that body.[43] Sinn Féin polled over 100,000 votes in the Westminster electionsthat year, and Adams won the West Belfast seat that had been held by the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP).[43]By 1985 it had fifty-nine seats on seventeen of the twenty-six Northern Ireland councils, including seven on Belfast City Council.[44]

The party began a reappraisal of the policy of abstention from the Dáil. At the 1983 Ard Fheis the constitution was amended to remove the ban on the discussion of abstentionism to allow Sinn Féin to run a candidate in the forthcoming European elections. However, in his address Adams said, “We are an abstentionist party. It is not my intention to advocate change in this situation.”[45] A motion to permit entry into the Dáil was allowed at the 1985 Ard Fheis, but without the active support of the leadership, and Adams did not speak. The motion failed narrowly.[46] By October of the following year an IRA Convention had indicated its support for elected Sinn Féin Teachtaí Dála (TDs) taking their seats. Thus, when the motion to end abstention was put to the Ard Fheis on 1 November 1986, it was clear that there would not be a split in the IRA as there had been in 1970.[47] The motion was passed with a two-thirds majority. Ó Brádaigh and about twenty other delegates walked out, and met in a Dublin hotel with hundreds of supporters to re-organise as Republican Sinn Féin.[48]

Tentative negotiations between Sinn Féin and the British government led to more substantive discussions with the SDLP in the 1990s. Multi-party negotiations began in 1994 in Northern Ireland, without Sinn Féin. The Provisional IRA declared a ceasefire in the autumn of 1994. Sinn Féin then joined the talks but the John Major-led Conservative government soon came to depend on unionist votes to remain in power. It suspended Sinn Féin from the talks and began to insist that the IRA decommission all of their weapons before Sinn Féin be re-admitted to the talks, leading to the IRA calling off its ceasefire. The new Labour government of Tony Blair wasn’t reliant on unionist votes and re-admitted Sinn Féin, leading to another, permanent, ceasefire.[49]

The talks led to the Good Friday Agreement of 10 April 1998 (officially known as the Belfast Agreement), which set up an inclusive devolved government in the North, and altered the Dublin government’s constitutional claim to the whole island inArticles 2 and 3 of the Constitution of Ireland. Republicans opposed to the direction taken by Sinn Féin in the peace process formed the 32 County Sovereignty Movement in the late 1990s.[50]

1998–present[edit]

The party expelled Denis Donaldson, a party official, in December 2005, with him stating publicly that he had been in the employ of the British government as an agent since the 1980s. Donaldson told reporters that the British security agencies who employed him were behind the collapse of the Assembly and set up Sinn Féin to take the blame for it, a claim disputed by the British Government.[51] Donaldson was found fatally shot in his home in County Donegal on 4 April 2006, and a murder inquiry was launched.[52] In April 2009, the Real IRA released a statement taking responsibility for the killing.[53]

When Sinn Féin and the DUP became the largest parties, by the terms of the Belfast Agreement no deal could be made without the support of both parties. They nearly reached a deal in November 2004, but the DUP insisted on photographic and/or video evidence that decommissioning had been carried out, which was unacceptable to Sinn Féin.[54]

On 2 September 2006 Martin McGuinness publicly stated that Sinn Féin would refuse to participate in a shadow assembly at Stormont, asserting that his party would only take part in negotiations that were aimed at restoring a power-sharing government. This development followed a decision on the part of members of Sinn Féin to refrain from participating in debates since the Assembly’s recall the previous May. The relevant parties to these talks were given a deadline of 24 November 2006 to decide upon whether or not they would ultimately form the executive.[55]

The 86-year Sinn Féin boycott of policing in Northern Ireland ended on 28 January 2007 when the Ard Fheis voted overwhelmingly to support the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI).[56] Sinn Féin members began to sit on Policing Boards and join District Policing Partnerships.[57] There was opposition to this decision within Sinn Féin, and some members left, including elected representatives. The most well-known opponent was former IRA prisoner Gerry McGeough, who stood in the 2007 Assembly Elections against Sinn Féin in the Assembly constituency of Fermanagh and South Tyrone as an Independent Republican.[58] Others who opposed this development splintered off to found the Republican Network for Unity.

Links with the IRA[edit]

Sinn Féin is the largest Irish republican political party and was closely associated with the Provisional IRA. The Irish Government alleged that senior members of Sinn Féin have held posts on the IRA Army Council.[59] However, the SF leadership has denied these claims.[60] The US Government has made similar allegations.[61][62][63]

A republican document of the early 1980s stated: “Both Sinn Féin and the IRA play different but converging roles in the war of national liberation. The Irish Republican Army wages an armed campaign… Sinn Féin maintains the propaganda war and is the public and political voice of the movement”.[64]

The British Government stated in 2005 that “we had always said all the way through we believed that Sinn Féin and the IRA were inextricably linked and that had obvious implications at leadership level”.[65]

The Northern Bank robbery of £26.5 million in Belfast in December 2004 further delayed a political deal in Northern Ireland. The IRA were widely blamed for the robbery[66] although Sinn Féin denied this and stated that party officials had not known of the robbery nor sanctioned it.[67] Because of the timing of the robbery, it is considered that the plans for the robbery must have been laid whilst Sinn Féin was engaged in talks about a possible peace settlement. This undermined confidence among unionists about the sincerity of republicans towards reaching agreement. In the aftermath of the row over the robbery, a further controversy erupted when, on RTÉ‘s Questions and Answers programme, the chairman of Sinn Féin,Mitchel McLaughlin, insisted that the IRA’s controversial killing of a mother of ten young children, Jean McConville, in the early 1970s though “wrong”, was not a crime, as it had taken place in the context of the political conflict. Politicians from the Republic, along with the Irish media strongly attacked McLaughlin’s comments.[68][69]

On 10 February 2005, the government-appointed Independent Monitoring Commission reported that it firmly supported the PSNI and Garda Síochána assessments that the IRA was responsible for the Northern Bank robbery and that certain senior members of Sinn Féin were also senior members of the IRA and would have had knowledge of and given approval to the carrying out of the robbery.[70] Sinn Féin have argued that the IMC is not independent and the inclusion of former Alliance Party Leader John Alderdice and a British security head was proof of this.[71] The IMC recommended further financial sanctions against Sinn Féin members of the Northern Ireland Assembly. The British government responded by saying it would ask MPs to vote to withdraw the parliamentary allowances of the four Sinn Féin MPs elected in 2001.[72]

Gerry Adams responded to the IMC report by challenging the Irish Government to have him arrested for IRA membership, a crime in both jurisdictions, and conspiracy.[73]

On 20 February 2005, Irish Minister for Justice, Equality and Law Reform Michael McDowell publicly accused three of the Sinn Féin leadership, Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and Martin Ferris (TD for Kerry North) of being on the seven-manIRA Army Council which they later denied.[74][75]

On 27 February 2005, a demonstration against the murder of Robert McCartney on 30 January 2005 was held in East Belfast. Alex Maskey, a former Sinn Féin Lord Mayor of Belfast, was told by relatives of McCartney to “hand over the 12” IRA members involved.[76] The McCartney family, although formerly Sinn Féin voters themselves, urged witnesses to the crime to contact the PSNI.[77][78] Three IRA men were expelled from the organisation, and a man was charged with McCartney’s murder.[79][80]

Irish Taoiseach Bertie Ahern subsequently called Sinn Féin and the IRA “both sides of the same coin”.[81] The official ostracism of Sinn Féin was shown in February 2005 when Dáil Éireann passed a motion condemning the party’s alleged involvement in illegal activity. US President George W. Bush and Senator Edward Kennedy refused to meet Gerry Adams while meeting the family of Robert McCartney.[82]

On 10 March 2005, the British House of Commons in London passed a motion placed by the British Government to withdraw the allowances of the four Sinn Féin MPs for one year in response to the Northern Bank Robbery without significant opposition. This measure cost the party approximately £400,000. However, the debate prior to the vote mainly surrounded the more recent events connected with the murder of Robert McCartney. Conservatives and unionists put down amendments to have the Sinn Féin MPs evicted from their offices at the House of Commons but these were defeated.[83]

In March 2005, Mitchell Reiss, the United States special envoy to Northern Ireland, condemned the party’s links to the IRA, saying “it is hard to understand how a European country in the year 2005 can have a private army associated with a political party”.[84]

The October 2015 Assessment on Paramilitary Groups in Northern Ireland concluded that the Provisional IRA still exists “in a much reduced form” and that some IRA members believe its Army Council oversees both the PIRA and Sinn Féin.[85]

Policy and ideology[edit]

Sinn Féin and Sinn Féin Republican Youth signs in Strabane

Most of the party’s policies are intended to be implemented on an ‘all-Ireland’ basis which further emphasises their central aim of creating a united Ireland.

Sinn Féin currently is considered a democratic socialist or left-wing party.[86] In theEuropean parliament, the party aligns itself with the European United Left–Nordic Green Left (GUE/NGL) parliamentary group. The party pledges support for minority rights, migrants’ rights, and eradicating poverty. Although it is not in favour of the extension of legalised abortion (British 1967 Act) to Northern Ireland, Sinn Féin state they are opposed to the attitudes in society which “pressurise women” to have abortions and “criminalise” women who make this decision. The party does state that in cases of incest, rape, sexual abuse, “fatal foetal abnormalities”, or when a woman’s life and health are at risk or in danger that the final decision must rest with the woman.[87][88]

Sinn Féin has been considered to be Eurosceptic.[89][90] The party campaigned for a “No” vote in the referendum on joining the European Economic Community in 1972.[91] The party was critical for the need of an EU constitution as proposed in 2002,[92] and urged a “No” vote in the 2008 referendum on the Lisbon Treaty, although Mary Lou McDonald said that there was “no contradiction in being pro-Europe but anti-treaty.”[93] In its manifesto for the 2015 UK general election, Sinn Féin pledged that the party would campaign for the UK to stay within the European Union (EU), Martin McGuinness saying that an exit “would be absolutely economically disastrous”. Gerry Adams said that if there were to be a referendum on the question, there ought to be a separate and binding referendum for Northern Ireland.[94] Its policy of a “Europe of Equals”, and its critical engagement after 2001, together with as its engagement with the European Parliament, marks a change from the party’s previous opposition to the EU. The party expresses, on one hand, “support for Europe-wide measures that promote and enhance human rights, equality and the all-Ireland agenda“, and on the other a “principled opposition” to aEuropean superstate.[95]

Social and cultural[edit]

Sinn Féin’s main political goal is a united Ireland. Other key policies from their most recent election manifesto are listed below:

Economy[edit]

  • Increase in capital gains tax and deposit interest retention tax
  • A cap on public sector pay at three times the average worker’s wage
  • A cap on the salaries of TDs and government ministers
  • Standardisation of discretionary tax reliefs
  • Greater state investment in the economy
  • Reducing mortgage interest tax relief for landlords and property-based tax reliefs
  • Establishment of a government fund to aid small and medium enterprises
  • An ‘all-Ireland’ economy with a common currency and one tax policy
  • Greater investment for those who are disabled[100]

Health[edit]

  • An ‘All-Ireland-Health-Service’ akin to the National Health Service of the United Kingdom,
  • Cap on consultants’ pay
  • Abolishment of prescription charges for medical card patients
  • Expansion of primary care centres
  • Gradual removal of subsidies of private practice in public hospitals and the introduction of a charge for practitioners for the use of public equipment and staff in their private practice
  • Free breast screening (to check for breast cancer) of all women over forty[101]

International relations[edit]

Sinn Féin supports the creation of a ‘Minister for Europe’, the independence of the Basque Country from Spain and France,[102] and the Palestinians in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.[103]

Organisational structure[edit]

A Sinn Féin advice centre inCastlewellan

Sinn Féin is organised throughout Ireland, and membership is open to all Irish residents over the age of 16. The party is organised hierarchically into cumainn (branches), comhairle ceantair (district executives), cúigí (regional executives). At national level, the Coiste Seasta (Standing Committee) oversees the day-to-day running of Sinn Féin. It is an eight-member body nominated by the Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle (National Executive) and also includes the chairperson of each cúige. The Sinn Féin Ard Chomhairle meets at least once a month. It directs the overall implementation of Sinn Féin policy and activities of the party.[citation needed]

The Ard Chomhairle also oversees the operation of various departments of Sinn Féin, viz Administration, Finance, National Organiser, Campaigns, Sinn Féin Republican Youth, Women’s Forum, Culture, Publicity and International Affairs. It is made up of the following: Officer Board and nine other members, all of whom are elected by delegates to the Ard Fheis, fifteen representing the five Cúige regions (three delegates each). The Ard Chomhairle can co-opt eight members for specific posts and additional members can be co-opted, if necessary, to ensure that at least thirty per cent of Ard Chomhairle members are women.[citation needed]

The Ardfheis (national delegate conference) is the ultimate policy-making body of the party where delegates – directly elected by members of cumainn – can decide on and implement policy. It is held at least once a year but a special Ard Fheis can be called by the Ard Chomhairle or the membership under special circumstances.[citation needed]

Ard Chomhairle Officer Board[edit]

2010–2011:[104]

Leadership Members elected at the Ard Fhéis 2012[edit]

Six Men

Six Women

Leadership history[edit]

Gerry Adams, leader of Sinn Féin since 1983

Main article: Leader of Sinn Féin
Name Dates Notes
Edward Martyn 1905–1908
John Sweetman 1908–1911
Arthur Griffith 1911–1917
Éamon de Valera 1917–1926 Resigned from Sinn Féin and formed Fianna Fáil in 1926
John J. O’Kelly(Sceilg) 1926–1931
Brian O’Higgins 1931–1933
Fr. Michael O’Flanagan 1933–1935
Cathal Ó Murchadha 1935–1937
Margaret Buckley 1937–1950
Paddy McLogan 1950–1952
Tomás Ó Dubhghaill 1952–1954
Paddy McLogan 1954–1962
Tomás Mac Giolla 1962–1970 From 1970 was president of Official Sinn Féin, renamed The Workers’ Party in 1982
Ruairí Ó Brádaigh 1970–1983 Left Sinn Féin and formed Republican Sinn Féin in 1986.
Gerry Adams 1983–present

Ministers and spokespeople[edit]

Northern Ireland Assembly[edit]

See also: Executive of the 5th Northern Ireland Assembly, Northern Ireland Assembly, Members of the 5th Northern Ireland Assembly
Portfolio Name
Assembly Group Leader Carál Ní Chuilín MLA
Deputy First Minister of Northern Ireland Martin McGuinness MLA
Junior Minister at the Executive Office Megan Fearon MLA
Minister of Finance Máirtín Ó Muilleoir MLA
Minister of Health Michelle O’Neill MLA
Minister for Infrastructure Chris Hazzard MLA

Dáil Éireann[edit]

See also: Front Bench, Dáil Éireann, Members of the 31st Dáil
Portfolio Name
Leader of Sinn Féin Gerry Adams TD
Deputy Leader of Sinn Féin
Public Expenditure and Reform
Mary Lou McDonald TD
Social Protection and Party whip Aengus Ó Snodaigh TD
Finance Pearse Doherty TD
Health and Children Louise O’Reilly TD
Foreign Affairs and Trade Seán Crowe TD
Jobs, Enterprise and Innovation and Gaeltacht Affairs Peadar Tóibín TD
Justice, Equality and Defence Pádraig Mac Lochlainn TD
Communications, Energy and Natural Resources Michael Colreavy TD
Education and Skills Carol Nolan TD
Environment, Community and Local Government Brian Stanley TD
Agriculture, Food and the Marine Martin Ferris TD
Transport and Housing Dessie Ellis TD
Arts, Heritage, Transport and Sport Sandra McLellan TD

Seanad Éireann[edit]

See also: Front Bench, Seanad Éireann, Members of the 24th Seanad
Portfolio Name
Seanad Group Leader
Trade Union Outreach/Workers Rights and Political Reform
Junior Spokesperson for Jobs and Enterprise
Senator David Cullinane
Gaeltacht, Irish Language and Rural Affairs
Junior Spokesperson for Justice, Equality and Defence
Senator Trevor Ó Clochartaigh
Youth Affairs, European Affairs and All-Ireland Economy Senator Kathryn Reilly

European Parliament[edit]

See also: Eighth European Parliament, European Parliament, Members of the European Parliament, 2014–19
Portfolio Name
European Parliamentary Group Leader
Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs; Relations with Palestine
Martina Anderson MEP
Environment, Public Health and Food Lynn Boylan MEP
Agriculture and Rural Development; Relations with the United States Matt Carthy MEP
Budgets; Fisheries; Relations with the People’s Republic of China Liadh Ní Riada MEP

General election results[edit]

Northern Ireland[edit]

Devolved legislature elections[edit]

Election Body Seats won ± Position First preference votes  % Government Leader
1921 House of Commons
6 / 52

Increase6 Increase2nd 104,917 20.5% Abstention Éamon de Valera
1982 Assembly
5 / 78

Increase5 Increase5th 64,191 10.1% Abstention Ruairí Ó Brádaigh
1996 Forum
17 / 110

Increase17 Increase4th 116,377 15.5% Abstention Gerry Adams
1998 Assembly
18 / 108

Increase18 Increase4th 142,858 17.7% Power-sharing (UUP-SDLP-DUP-SF) Gerry Adams
2003
24 / 108

Increase6 Increase3rd 162,758 23.5% Direct Rule Gerry Adams
2007
28 / 108

Increase4 Increase2nd 180,573 26.2% Power-sharing (DUP-SF-SDLP-UUP-AP) Gerry Adams
2011
29 / 108

Increase1 Steady2nd 178,224 26.3% Power-sharing (DUP-SF-UUP-SDLP-AP) Gerry Adams
2016
28 / 108

Decrease1 Steady2nd 166,785 24.0% Power-sharing (DUP-SF) Gerry Adams

Westminster elections[edit]

Election Seats (in NI) ± Position Total votes  % (in NI)  % (in UK) Government Leader
1924
0 / 13

Steady None 34,181 0.2% No seats Éamon de Valera
1950
0 / 12

Steady None 23,362 0.1% No seats Margaret Buckley
1955
2 / 12

Increase2 Increase4th 152,310 0.6% Abstention Paddy McLogan
1959
0 / 12

Decrease2 None 63,415 0.2% No seats Paddy McLogan
1983
1 / 17

Increase1 Increase8th 102,701 13.4% 0.3% Abstention Ruairí Ó Brádaigh
1987
1 / 17

Steady Increase6th 83,389 11.4% 0.3% Abstention Gerry Adams
1992
0 / 17

Decrease1 None 78,291 10.0% 0.2% No seats Gerry Adams
1997
2 / 18

Increase2 Increase8th 126,921 16.1% 0.4% Abstention Gerry Adams
2001
4 / 18

Increase2 Increase6th 175,933 21.7% 0.7% Abstention Gerry Adams
2005
5 / 18

Increase1 Steady6th 174,530 24.3% 0.6% Abstention Gerry Adams
2010
5 / 18

Steady Steady6th 171,942 25.5% 0.6% Abstention Gerry Adams
2015
4 / 18

Decrease 1 Steady6th 176,232 24.5% 0.6% Abstention Gerry Adams

Trends[edit]

Sinn Féin returned to Northern Ireland elections at the 1982 Assembly elections, winning five seats with 64,191 votes (10.1%). The party narrowly missed winning additional seats in Belfast North and Fermanagh and South Tyrone. In the1983 Westminster elections eight months later Sinn Féin increased its support, breaking the hundred thousand vote barrier in Northern Ireland for the first time by polling 102,701 votes (13.4%).[105] Gerry Adams won the Belfast West constituency with Danny Morrison only 78 votes short of victory in Mid Ulster.

The 1984 European elections proved to be a disappointment, with Sinn Féin’s candidate Danny Morrison polling 91,476 (13.3%) and falling well behind the SDLP candidate John Hume.

By the beginning of 1985, Sinn Féin had won their first representation on local councils due to three by-election wins in Omagh (Seamus Kerr, May 1983) and Belfast (Alex Maskey in June 1983 and Sean McKnight in March 1984). Three sitting councillors also defected to Sinn Féin in Dungannon, Fermanagh and Derry (the last defecting from the SDLP).[106][107][108]Sinn Féin succeeded in winning 59 seats in the 1985 local government elections, after it had predicted winning only 40 seats. However, the results continued to show a decline from the peak of 1983 as the party won 75,686 votes (11.8%).[108]The party failed to gain any seats in the 1986 by-elections caused by the resignation of unionist MPs in protest at the Anglo-Irish Agreement. While this was partly due to an electoral pact between unionist candidates, the SF vote fell in the four constituencies they contested.[109]

In the 1987 election Gerry Adams held his Belfast West seat but the party failed to make breakthroughs elsewhere and overall polled 83,389 votes (11.4%).[110] The same year saw the party contest the Dáil election in the Republic of Ireland, however they failed to win any seats and polled less than 2%.

The 1989 local government elections saw a drop in support for Sinn Féin.[111] Defending 58 seats (the 59 won in 1985 plus two 1987 by-election gains in West Belfast minus three councillors who had defected to Republican Sinn Féin in 1986) the party lost 15 seats. In the aftermath of the election Mitchell McLaughlin admitted that recent IRA activity had affected the Sinn Féin vote.[112]

In the 1989 European elections, candidate Danny Morrison again failed to win a seat, polling at 48,914 votes (9%).

The nadir for SF in this period came in 1992, with Gerry Adams losing his Belfast West seat to the SDLP and the SF vote falling in the other constituencies that they had contested relative to 1987.[113]

In the 1997 British General Election, Gerry Adams regained his Belfast West seat. Martin McGuinness also won a seat inMid Ulster. In Irish elections the same year the party won its first seat since the 1957 elections with Caoimhghín Ó Caoláingaining a seat in the Cavan-Monaghan constituency. In the Irish local elections in 1999 the party increased its number of councillors from 7 to 23.

The party overtook its nationalist rival, the Social Democratic and Labour Party as the largest nationalist party in the 2001 Westminster general election and local elections, winning four Westminster seats to the SDLP’s three.[114] The party continues to subscribe, however, to an abstentionist policy towards the Westminster British parliament, on account of opposing that parliament’s jurisdiction in Northern Ireland, as well as its oath to the Queen.[115][116]

Results in Northern Ireland from UK General Elections. Sinn Féin increased its number of seats from two in 1997 to five in 2005, four of them in the west. It retained its five seats in 2010, but was reduced to four in 2015.

Sinn Féin increased its share of the nationalist vote in the 2003, 2007, and 2011 Assembly elections, with Martin McGuinness, former Minister for Education, taking the post of deputy First Minister in the Northern Ireland power-sharing Executive Committee. The party has three ministers in the Executive Committee.

In the 2010 General Election, the party retained its five seats,[117] and for the first time topped the poll at a Westminster Election in Northern Ireland, winning 25.5% of the vote.[118] All Sinn Féin MPs increased their share of the vote and with the exception of Fermanagh and South Tyrone, increased their majorities.[117] In Fermanagh and South Tyrone, Unionistparties agreed a joint candidate,[119] this resulted in the closest contest of the election, with Sinn Féin MP Michelle Gildernew holding her seat by 4 votes after 3 recounts and an election petition challenging the result.[120]

Republic of Ireland[edit]

Dáil Éireann elections[edit]

Election Seats won ± Position First Pref votes  % Government Leader
1918
73 / 105

Increase73 Increase1st 476,087 46.9% Aireacht Gov’t Éamon de Valera
1921
124 / 128

Increase51 Steady1st Aireacht Gov’t Éamon de Valera
1922
58 / 128

(Pro-Treaty)

N/A Steady1st 239,195 38.5% Minority Gov’t Michael Collins
(Pro-Treaty)
36 / 128

(Anti-Treaty)

N/A Decrease2nd 135,310 21.8% Abstention Éamon de Valera
(Anti-Treaty)
1923
44 / 153

Increase8 Steady2nd 288,794 27.4% Abstention Éamon de Valera
1927 (Jun)
5 / 153

Decrease39 Decrease6th 41,401 3.6% Abstention John J. O’Kelly
1954
0 / 147

Steady None 1,990 0.1% No Seats Tomás Ó Dubhghaill
1957
4 / 147

Increase4 Increase4th 65,640 5.3% Abstention Paddy McLogan
1961
0 / 144

Decrease4 None 36,396 3.1% No Seats Paddy McLogan
1982 (Feb)
0 / 166

Steady None 16,894 1.0% No Seats Ruairí Ó Brádaigh
1987
0 / 166

Steady None 32,933 1.9% No Seats Gerry Adams
1989
0 / 166

Steady None 20,003 1.2% No Seats Gerry Adams
1992
0 / 166

Steady None 27,809 1.6% No Seats Gerry Adams
1997
1 / 166

Increase1 Increase6th 45,614 2.5% Opposition Gerry Adams
2002
5 / 166

Increase4 Steady6th 121,020 6.5% Opposition Gerry Adams
2007
4 / 166

Decrease1 Increase5th 143,410 6.9% Opposition Gerry Adams
2011
14 / 166

Increase10 Increase4th 220,661 9.9% Opposition Gerry Adams
2016
23 / 158

Increase9 Increase3rd 295,319 13.8% Opposition Gerry Adams

The party had five TDs elected in the 2002 Republic general election, an increase of four from the previous election. At thegeneral election in 2007 the party had expectations of substantial gains,[121][122] with poll predictions that they would gain five[123] to ten seats.[124] However, the party lost one of its seats to Fine Gael. Seán Crowe, who had topped the poll inDublin South–West fell to fifth place, with his first preference vote reduced from 20.28% to 12.16%.[125]

On 26 November 2010, Pearse Doherty won a seat in the Donegal South–West by-election. It was the party’s first by-election victory in the Republic of Ireland since 1925.[126] After negotiations with the left wing Independent TDs Finian McGrath and Maureen O’Sullivan, a Technical Group was formed in the Dáil to give its members more speaking time.[127][128]

In the 2011 Irish General Election the party made gains. All its sitting TDs were returned with Seán Crowe regaining the seat in Dublin South–West he lost in 2007. In addition to winning long time targeted seats such as Dublin Central and Dublin North–West the party gained unexpected seats in Cork East and Sligo–North Leitrim.[129] It ultimately won 14 seats, the best performance for the party’s current incarnation. The party went on to win three seats in the Seanad election which followed their success at the General Election.

Local Government elections[edit]

Election Country First Preference Vote Vote % Seats
1920 Ireland 27.0%
1974 Republic of Ireland
7 / 802

1979 Republic of Ireland
11 / 798

1985 Northern Ireland 75,686 11.8%
59 / 565

1985 Republic of Ireland 46,391 3.3%
1989 Northern Ireland 69,032 11.2%
43 / 565

1991 Republic of Ireland 29,054 2.1%
8 / 883

1993 Northern Ireland 77,600 12.0%
51 / 582

1997 Northern Ireland 106,934 17.0%
74 / 575

1999 Republic of Ireland 49,192 3.5%
21 / 883

2001 Northern Ireland 163,269 21.0%
108 / 582

2004 Republic of Ireland 146,391 8.0%
54 / 883

2005 Northern Ireland 163,205 23.2%
126 / 582

2009 Republic of Ireland 138,405 7.4%
54 / 883

2011 Northern Ireland 163,712 24.8%
138 / 583

2014 Northern Ireland 151,137 22.7%
105 / 462

2014 Republic of Ireland 258,650 15.2%
159 / 949

Sinn Féin is represented on most county and city councils. It made large gains in the local elections of 2004, increasing its number of councillors from 21 to 54, and replacing the Progressive Democrats as the fourth-largest party in local government.[130] At the local elections of June 2009, the party’s vote fell by 0.95% to 7.34%, with no change in the number of seats. Losses in Dublin and urban areas were balanced by gains in areas such as Limerick, Wicklow, Cork, Tipperary and Kilkenny and the border counties .[131] However, three of Sinn Féin’s seven representatives on Dublin City Councilresigned within six months of the June 2009 elections, one of them defecting to the Labour Party.[132]

European elections[edit]

Election Country First Preference Vote Vote % Seats
1984 Northern Ireland 91,476 13.3%
0 / 3

Republic of Ireland 54,672 4.9%
0 / 15

1989 Northern Ireland 48,914 9.0%
0 / 3

Republic of Ireland 35,923 2.2%
0 / 15

1994 Northern Ireland 55,215 9.9%
0 / 3

Republic of Ireland 33,823 3.0%
0 / 15

1999 Northern Ireland 117,643 17.3%
0 / 3

Republic of Ireland 88,165 6.3%
0 / 15

2004 Northern Ireland 144,541 26.3%
1 / 3

Republic of Ireland 197,715 11.1%
1 / 13

2009 Northern Ireland 126,184 25.8%
1 / 3

Republic of Ireland 205,613 11.2%
0 / 12

2014 Northern Ireland 159,813 25.5%
1 / 3

Republic of Ireland 323,300 19.5%
3 / 11

In the 2004 European Parliament election, Bairbre de Brún won Sinn Féin’s first seat in the European Parliament, at the expense of the Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP). She came in second behind Jim Allister, then of theDemocratic Unionist Party (DUP).[133] In the 2009 election, de Brún was re-elected with 126,184 first preference votes, the only candidate to reach the quota on the first count. This was the first time since elections began in 1979 that the DUP failed to take the first seat, and was the first occasion Sinn Féin topped a poll in any Northern Ireland election.[134][135]

Sinn Féin made a breakthrough in the Dublin constituency in 2004. The party’s candidate, Mary Lou McDonald, was elected on the sixth count as one of four MEPs for Dublin, effectively taking the seat of Patricia McKenna of the Green Party.[136] In the 2009 election, when Dublin’s representation was reduced to three MEPs, she failed to hold her seat.[137] In the South constituency their candidate, Councillor Toireasa Ferris, managed to nearly double the number of first preference votes,[137]lying third after the first count, but failed to get enough transfers to win a seat.

In the 2014 election, Martina Anderson topped the poll in Northern Ireland, as did Lynn Boylan in Dublin. Liadh Ní Riadawas elected in the South constituency, and Matt Carthy in Midlands–North-West.[138]

Alliance Party of Northern Ireland

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Alliance Party of Northern Ireland
Abbreviation APNI
Leader David Ford MLA
Deputy Leader Naomi Long MLA
President Cllr Andrew Muir
Chairperson Cllr Neil Kelly
Founder Oliver Napier
Bob Cooper
Founded 21st April 1970
Merger of Ulster Liberal Party
New Ulster Movement
Headquarters 88 University Street
Belfast BT7 1HE
County Antrim
Northern Ireland
Youth wing Alliance Youth
LGBT wing Alliance LGBT+
Ideology Liberalism[1][2]
Nonsectarianism[3][4]
Political position Centre
European affiliation None
International affiliation Liberal International
Colours      Yellow
Black
Blue
House of Commons
(NI Seats)
0 / 18

House of Lords
0 / 807

European Parliament
(NI seats)
0 / 3

NI Assembly
8 / 108

NI Local Councils
32 / 462

Website
www.allianceparty.org

The Alliance Party of Northern Ireland (APNI) (Irish: Páirtí Comhghuaillíochta Thuaisceart Éireann; Ulster Scots: Alliance Pairtie o Norlin Airlann) is a liberal[5] and centrist[6] political party in Northern Ireland. It is Northern Ireland’s fifth-largest party overall, with eight seats in the Northern Ireland Assembly.

Founded in 1970 from the New Ulster Movement, the Alliance Party originally represented moderate and non-sectarian unionism. However, over time, particularly in the 1990s, it moved towards neutrality on the Union, and has come to represent wider liberal and non-sectarian concerns. It opposes theconsociational power-sharing mandated by the Good Friday Agreement as deepening the sectarian divide, and, in the Northern Ireland Assembly, it is designated as neither unionist nor Irish nationalist, but ‘Other’.

In general election in May 2010 the Alliance Party won their first House of Commons seat in a UK-wide general election, in the Belfast East constituency, unseating Peter Robinson, First Minister of Northern Ireland and leader of theDemocratic Unionist Party (DUP). Naomi Long was the first MP from the Alliance Party since Stratton Mills, who joined the party from the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) in 1973. However, the DUP regained the seat at the 2015 general election, leaving the Alliance Party with no representation in the House of Commons.

The Alliance Party is a member of the Liberal International,[7] and has organisational links with the Liberal Democrats in Great Britain.

History[edit]

Early growth[edit]

It was formed in April 1970 as an alternative to the established parties. In the context of a rapidly worsening political crisis, the party aimed not only to present an alternative to what they perceived as sectarian parties, but to make sure that the primary policy of the party was in contrast to the Northern Ireland Labour Party and Ulster Liberal Party. Alliance expressly aimed, at first, to act as a bridge between the Protestant and Catholic sections of the community, with a secondary goal of attracting support from Northern Ireland’s Jewish community and its small but steadily growing Asian (Chinese, Indian, Pakistani) population, most of whom are neither Catholic nor Protestant. The Party’s founding principles were expressly in favour of Northern Ireland remaining part of the United Kingdom, although in contrast to other unionist parties, this was expressed in socio-economic rather than ethnic terms. It also placed great emphasis on the consent principle and therefore its support for Northern Ireland’s position within the UK was conditional on a majority wanting this.

The party was boosted in 1972 when three Members of the Parliament of Northern Ireland joined the party (one from theNationalist Party, one from the UUP and one Independent). Stratton Mills, an Ulster Unionist/Conservative member of theWestminster Parliament for North Belfast also joined, providing Alliance with its only House of Commons representation until 2010. Its first electoral challenge was the District Council elections of May 1973 when they managed to win a respectable 13.6% of the votes cast. In the elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly which followed the next month the party polled 9.2% and won eight seats. The then party leader, Oliver Napier and his deputy Bob Cooper became part of the short-lived power-sharing executive body. Alliance’s vote peaked in the 1977 local elections when it obtained 14.4% of the vote and had 74 Councillors elected. In 1979, Party Leader Oliver Napier came closer than Alliance had previously come to electing a Westminster MP, polling just 928 votes short of Peter Robinson‘s winning total in East Belfast, albeit placing third in a three-way marginal.

Stabilisation and decline[edit]

Alliance was seriously damaged by the 1981 Irish Hunger Strike, which deeply polarised Northern Ireland politics, and led to the emergence of Sinn Féin as a serious political force. The party supported the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement, and despite claims that this would fatally damage its soft unionist support, Alliance rebounded to pick up 10.0% of the vote in the 1987 United Kingdom general election, with some voters rejecting the tacit mainstream unionist support for violence in the aftermath of the Agreement.[9]

New leader, John Alderdice, polled 32.0% of the vote in East Belfast, while Alliance came within 15,000 votes of both theDemocratic Unionist Party (DUP) and Sinn Féin across Northern Ireland. In 1988, in Alliance’s keynote post-Anglo Irish Agreement document, Governing with Consent, Alderdice called for a devolved power-sharing government. Throughout the late 1980s and early 1990s, Alliance’s vote stabilised at between 7% and 10%. After the IRA and loyalist ceasefires in 1994, Alliance became the first non-nationalist party to enter into talks with Sinn Féin, as an active participant in the Northern Ireland peace process negotiations leading to the Good Friday Agreement, which it strongly supported. Alliance polled poorly in the 1996 elections for the Northern Ireland Forum, and the 1998 election for the Northern Ireland Assemblywinning around 6.5% of the vote each time. This did enable the party to win six seats in the Assembly, although this was somewhat of a let-down given that it had been expected to do much better.[10]

The Good Friday Agreement era[edit]

1998–2004[edit]

John Alderdice resigned as party leader in 1998 to take up the post of the Assembly’s Presiding Officer. He was replaced bySeán Neeson, who himself resigned as party leader in September 2001. Neeson was replaced by current party leaderDavid Ford, a member of the Assembly for South Antrim.

It was predicted that Alliance would suffer electorally as a new centrist challenger established itself in Northern Irish politics, the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition. Another problem for the APNI was that the rules of the Assembly require major votes (such as the election of the First Minister and deputy First Minister) to have the support of both a majority of unionist and nationalist MLAs, thus diminishing the importance of parties such as Alliance which are not aligned to either of these two blocs.

In the 2003 Assembly elections, Alliance held all their seats, while the Women’s Coalition lost both of theirs. Alliance’s vote fell to just 3.7%. In the European Parliament Elections in 2004, Alliance gave strong support to Independent candidate John Gilliland[11] who polled 6.6% of the vote, the highest for a non-communal candidate in a European election since 1979. In the early years of the peace process, the centre ground was relentlessly squeezed in Northern Ireland politics. The support for Gilliland’s candidature, which was also supported by parties such as the Workers’ Party and Northern Ireland Conservatives, reflected a desire to reunite the fragmented and weakened non-communal bloc in Northern Ireland politics.

2004–present[edit]

In the 5 May 2005 United Kingdom general election, they contested 12 seats and polled 3.9% of the vote. In the simultaneous elections to Northern Ireland’s local authorities, they polled 5.0% of first preference votes and had 30 Councillors elected, a gain of two seats relative to the previous elections.

The 2006–2007 period saw some signs of an Alliance upturn, topping the poll and gaining a seat in a by-election forColeraine Borough Council.[12]

In the 2007 Northern Ireland Assembly elections, Alliance put in a strong media campaign and polled 5.2%,[13] up from 3.6% in the previous election and gaining a seat in Belfast South following the successful candidature of Anna Lo, the first ethnic Chinese public representative in a national assembly anywhere in Western Europe. In an election cycle where many pundits had predicted that the Alliance Party would struggle to hold on to the six seats it won in the 2003 election, the party pulled off a credible performance which included Deputy Leader Naomi Long doubling her share of the vote in Belfast East.

In 2008, during the deadlock between Sinn Féin and the DUP over the devolution of policing, the two parties came to an agreement that the Minister of Justice would not come from either party. The Alliance Party was the obvious choice but party leader David Ford said “it’s a very definite and a very emphatic no.” Ford further stated, “this executive is incompetent, it’s time they got on with doing the job that they were set up to do.”[14] Following further negotiations, Ford assumed office on 12 April 2010.

At the 2009 European elections, Alliance candidate Ian Parsley achieved the party’s best European election vote share in 30 years with 5.5% of the vote.

In the 2010 general election, the party won its first seat in Westminster, with Naomi Long taking the seat of sitting First Minister Peter Robinson.[15] The 2011 Northern Ireland Assembly Election resulted in eight Assembly members being returned with a gain in Belfast East. It overtook the UUP on Belfast City Council.

In a poll conducted in November 2012, Alliance (on 11.6%) overtook the UUP (11.4%) for the first time.[16]

During the 2016 elections to the Assembly, in spite of initially confident predications from David Ford that Alliance would see a surplus of up to 11 seats,[17] the party’s share of the popular vote stagnated somewhat, from 7.7% in 2011 to 7.0%. Ultimately, its 8 MLAs from their original respective constituencies were returned to Stormont for the fifth Assembly term.

Ideology[edit]

Over the past 40 years and particularly since the mid-1990s, Alliance’s political philosophy has veered away from non-sectarian unionism towards a more liberal, neutral position on the question of either a united Ireland or continued Union with Great Britain. While the Good Friday Agreement has attempted to implement consociational power-sharing, Alliance continues to argue that such enforced coalition government in Northern Ireland entrenches division rather than providing a basis for overcoming it.[citation needed]

The Alliance Party was founded on the back of efforts by the New Ulster Movement (NUM), which was established as a moderating influence upon the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP). After Irish nationalist politicians withdrew their role as official Opposition at Stormont, and the resignation of UUP Prime Minister of Northern Ireland Terence O’Neill in 1969, the NUM split between those who wished to remain a pressure group for the UUP and those who saw reform only through the establishment of a new political party. The latter broke off and formed the Alliance Party of Northern Ireland on 21 April 1970.

As Alliance viewed the situation, the major problem of Northern Ireland was the division between Protestant and Catholic. It contended that the turmoil had its origins in that division and not in the partition of Ireland. “Partition was the result of the divisions and not the cause of them.” (John Cushnahan, 1979) The party’s founding members resolved to change the “traditional mould” of sectarian politics in Northern Ireland, by launching a party deliberately set out to win support from both sections of the population. The party’s founding principles were an attempt to address the “fundamental fears” of Protestants being coerced into a united Ireland, and of Catholics being condemned to a second-class citizenship within Northern Ireland.

The distinguishing feature of Alliance is its belief in the legitimacy of a distinctive Northern Ireland community, one that has more in common than what divides it, with most inhabitants speaking a common language, sharing some form of Christianity, and not separated by distinguishable racial or physical characteristics. “Its people are one community living in what has been called a place apart, but sharing a great deal with the rest of this island, the rest of these islands, and the rest of the developed world.” (Alliance 1992) Alliance does not view unionism and nationalism as distinct communities, but as “political positions.” Furthermore, Alliance sees identity as an individual matter, originating in historical contexts, producing unionist and nationalist traditions. Alliance is at times seen as representing a “third tradition”. “In the context of Northern Ireland it includes those who, whether in politics, culture, religion, or in private life have refused to be categorised as Orange or Green.” (Alliance 1992)

As Alliance have moved to an ideologically liberal perspective, and Northern Ireland society has become more diverse, support for diversity has become a key Alliance platform, with Anna Lo MLA elected as the first ethnically Chineseparliamentarian in Western Europe and the party promoting a number of openly gay spokespeople.

Regionalisation of Alliance’s vote[edit]

Northern Ireland Council Seats
Antrim and Newtownabbey
4 / 40

Armagh, Banbridge and Craigavon
0 / 40

Belfast City
8 / 40

Causeway Coast and Glens
1 / 40

Derry and Strabane
0 / 40

Fermanagh and Omagh
0 / 40

Lisburn and Castlereagh
7 / 40

Mid and East Antrim
3 / 40

Mid-Ulster
0 / 40

Newry, Mourne and Down
2 / 41

North Down and Ards
7 / 40

One trend over time with Alliance’s vote is that in contrast to 1973, when Alliance support was dispersed across Northern Ireland, Alliance has increasingly polled best in the Greater Belfast hinterland. For example, the 1977 elections, while representing an overall increase for Alliance, masked a sharp decline in vote share in many Western councils. In the 12 councils covering the former counties of Londonderry, Tyrone, Armagh and Fermanagh their vote only rose in Omagh, it remained static in Magherafelt and fell in the other ten councils (these being Fermanagh, Dungannon, Cookstown, Strabane, Londonderry, Limavady, Coleraine, Newry & Mourne, Armagh and Craigavon.) Overall in these 12 councils the number of Alliance councillors fell from 18 in 1973 to ten in 1977. In contrast, in the rest of the region Alliance increased their number of councillors from 45 to 60.

The party won eight council seats across Belfast in 1985. Although that has now recovered to six (from three in 2001), the six are entirely from South and East Belfast. Both seats in the Falls Road area of West Belfast were lost after the death and resignation of their councillors there in 1987 while their seat in North Belfast was lost in 1993, regained four years later and lost again in 2001. In the neighbouring areas of Dunmurry Cross (Twinbrook/Dunmurry) and Macedon (Rathcoole) Alliance lost their councillors in 1989 and 1994 respectively; on the other hand, the party won three out of seven seats in Victoria in 2011, the first time since 1977 that the party had won three council seats in the same electoral area.[18]

By 2005, the party had councillors in only half of Northern Ireland’s 18 constituencies. However, this rose to 13 in 2011 after gains in Coleraine, Craigavon, Down and elsewhere. Having had around 30 councillors for a decade, the party won 44 seats in 2011. In the 2010 elections, the Alliance gained the Westminster seat of Belfast East, and gained a 22.6% swing there; in 2011 it re-emphasised that result, winning two out of the six MLA seats available.

In 2014 the party gained one seat in the Belfast Council area, this coming in North Belfast when Nuala McAllister ousted Sinn Féin. Outside of the capital the party’s vote held up, and with the exception of Patrick Browne winning in Rowallen, there were no outstanding results.

In the 2015 Westminster elections the party directed their resources at retaining the East Belfast seat Naomi Long had gained from the DUP in 2010. The party lost the seat to the DUP by 2,500 votes, after a Unionist pact, whilst the Alliance vote increased by 6% across the constituency.

Vote share by district council 1973–2011[edit]

1973 1977 1981 1985 1989 1993 1997 2001 2005 2011
Antrim 16.1 16.9 10.9 7.6 7.0 8.5 8.2 5.5 6.9 11.3
Ards 14.8 20.8 12.3 12.4 18.8 23.4 21.1 16.7 14.1 18.2
Armagh 7.8 6.4 0.7
Ballymena 6.4 5.2 6.1 5.4 2.0 1.1 1.5 1.7
Ballymoney 7.7 8.3 8.1 2.6 2.0
Banbridge 5.7 6.2 4.6 1.6 2.2 1.8 5.1 2.0 4.5 4.9
Belfast 13.4 18.6 13.2 11.5 10.9 11.2 9.2 6.8 6.8 12.6
Carrickfergus 22.3 30.0 21.8 24.9 27.1 32.2 27.4 23.5 23.2 25.1
Castlereagh 22.1 32.5 21.1 18.8 21.5 21.9 18.7 15.2 16.2 25.2
Coleraine 13.2 10.6 6.3 6.2 7.9 11.8 9.2 6.4 4.7 8.8
Cookstown 6.3 5.2 0.6
Craigavon 16.0 11.3 4.1 4.3 5.8 6.2 4.5 1.6 2.4 3.4
Derry 14.5 11.9 6.4 2.7 0.6 1.0 0.9 0.9
Down 12.3 11.8 8.4 5.2 2.2 3.8 3.7 2.1 4.9
Dungannon and South Tyrone 5.9 2.9 1.1 0.9
Fermanagh 7.7 1.9 1.6 1.8 1.0 0.9 0.4
Larne 25.5 25.8 17.4 16.4 11.5 9.0 12.2 14.5 12.4 15.5
Limavady 11.2 8.5 2.0 1.9 2.1 2.0
Lisburn 18.1 20.4 12.2 11.0 10.7 12.3 13.0 11.0 9.2 10.4
Magherafelt 4.6 4.7 2.5 1.2
Moyle 5.0 2.9 7.0
Newry and Mourne 13.5 8.3 3.6 1.0 2.0
Newtownabbey 18.9 28.4 15.6 10.3 14.0 16.1 10.3 8.0 8.0 16.4
North Down 29.5 38.5 25.2 26.3 20.7 22.7 22.1 17.6 16.0 18.3
Omagh 12.2 16.0 9.0 4.7 3.7 5.0 3.3 1.5
Strabane 9.6 3.0 1.7 1.1 2.2 0.9
Northern Ireland totals 13.7 14.4 8.9 7.0 6.9 7.6 6.6 5.1 5.0 7.4

Vote share by district council 2014–present[edit]

2014
Antrim and Newtownabbey 12.7
Armagh, Banbridge and Craigavon 3.3
Belfast City 11.4
Causeway Coast and Glens 3.9
Derry and Strabane 1.6
Fermanagh and Omagh 1.7
Lisburn and Castlereagh 12
Mid and East Antrim 9.4
Mid Ulster 0.6
Newry, Mourne and Down 2.4
North Down and Ards 13.4
Northern Ireland totals 6.6

Leaders of Alliance[edit]

Leader From To
1 Oliver Napier and Bob Cooper 1970 1972
2 Phelim O’Neill 1972 1972
3 Oliver Napier 1972 1984
4 John Cushnahan 1984 1987
5 John Alderdice 1987 1998
6 Seán Neeson 1998 2001
7 David Ford 2001 Incumbent

Deputy leaders[edit]

Deputy Leader From To
1 Bob Cooper 1973 1976
2 Basil Glass 1976 1980
3 David Cook 1980 1984
4 Addie Morrow 1984 1987
5 Gordon Mawhinney 1987 1991
6 Seamus Close 1991 2001
7 Eileen Bell 2001 2006
8 Naomi Long 2006 Incumbent

MPs[edit]

MLAs[edit]

Elected in the Northern Ireland Assembly election, 2016:

Alliance Youth[edit]

Logo of Alliance Youth

Alliance Youth is the youth and student movement of the Alliance Party. Alliance members who are under 31 years old automatically become members of Alliance Youth if they choose to share their details at registration. Alliance Youth is also responsible for overseeing Alliance Societies at Northern Ireland universities. Liberal Youth Northern Ireland does not organize in any of Northern Ireland’s Universities, encouraging members to become active within Alliance Youth societies.

Activity[edit]

Alliance Youth actively campaign on issues affecting young people, and aim to shape policy of the main party in these areas. Previous campaigns have focuesed on racism, child poverty, and human trafficking, as well as specific domestic issues facing young people, such as mental health care, tuition fees, sustainable transport, LGBT rights and homelessness.[19]

Executive[edit]

The current executive is as follows:[20]

Position Holder
Chair Cllr Patrick Brown
Vice Chair Fia Cowan
Secretary & Treasurer Néidín Hendron
Campaigns Officer Jamie Woods
Equality Officer Lizzie Daragh
Development Officer Michael Nicholl
Media Officer Craig Weir
QUB Alliance Chair (Joint) Néidín Hendron
Fia Cowan

See also

Social Democratic and Labour Party

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
“SDLP” redirects here. For the unit within the French National Police, see Service de la protection. For the research program, see Stanford Digital Library Project.
Social Democratic and Labour Party
Abbreviation SDLP
Leader Colum Eastwood MLA
Deputy Leader Vacant
Chairperson Ronan McCay
General Secretary Gerry Cosgrove
Founder Gerry Fitt
John Hume
Paddy Devlin
Seamus Mallon
Austin Currie
Founded 20 August 1970
Headquarters 121 Ormeau Road
Belfast, BT7 1SH,
County Antrim,
Northern Ireland
Youth wing SDLP Youth
Women’s wing SDLP Women’s Group
LGBT wing SDLP LGBT+
Ideology Social democracy[1]
Irish nationalism[2]

Pro-Europeanism
Political position Centre-left[3][4]
European affiliation Party of European Socialists
International affiliation Socialist International
Colours Green, Red, Yellow
House of Commons
(NI Seats)
3 / 18

House of Lords
0 / 800

European Parliament
(NI seats)
0 / 3

NI Assembly
12 / 108

NI Local Councils
63 / 462

Website
www.sdlp.ie

The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP; Irish: Páirtí Sóisialta Daonlathach an Lucht Oibre) is a social-democratic[3][5][6] and Irish nationalist[6][7][8] political party in Northern Ireland. The SDLP currently has three MPs in the House of Commons, and 12 MLAs in the Northern Ireland Assembly.

The SDLP party platform advocates Irish unification, and the further devolution of powers while Northern Ireland remains part of the United Kingdom. Duringthe Troubles, the SDLP was the most popular Irish nationalist party in Northern Ireland, but since the Provisional IRA ceasefire in 1994 it has lost ground to the left-wing republican party Sinn Féin, which in 2001 became the more popular of the two parties for the first time. Established during the Troubles, a significant difference between the two parties was the SDLP’s rejection of violence, in contrast to Sinn Féin’s support for the Provisional IRA and physical force republicanism. The SDLP has fraternal links with other European social-democratic parties, including the Irish Labour Party and British Labour Party(neither of which contest elections in Northern Ireland), and is affiliated to theSocialist International and Party of European Socialists.

Foundation and early history[edit]

The party was founded in August 1970, when six Stormont MPs and one Senator, former members of the Republican Labour Party (a party with ties to the Irish Labour Party), the National Democratic Party (NDP, a small nationalist party that dissolved itself after the foundation of the SDLP),[9] individual nationalists, former members of the Nationalist Party and members of the Northern Ireland Labour Party, joined to form a new party.

The SDLP initially rejected the Nationalist Party‘s policy of abstentionism and sought to fight for civil rights within theStormont system. However, the SDLP quickly came to the view that Stormont was unreformable, and withdrew from parliamentary involvement.

Following the abolition of the Parliament of Northern Ireland, the SDLP emerged as the second-largest party, and the largest party representing the nationalist community, in elections to the new Northern Ireland Assembly established in 1973: the party won 19 out of 75 seats. The SDLP was one of the parties involved in the negotiations that resulted in theSunningdale Agreement, which in turn resulted in the establishment of a power-sharing executive in January 1974. Gerry Fitt, the SDLP party leader, took office as Deputy chief executive, taking government alongside the Ulster Unionist Party (led by Brian Faulkner) and the Alliance Party. The Assembly and Executive were short-lived, however, collapsing after only four months due to sustained opposition from within the unionist community, and it was to be 25 years before the party sat in government again.

Aims[edit]

There is a debate over the intentions of the party’s founders, with some now claiming that the aim was to provide a political movement to unite constitutional nationalists who opposed the paramilitary campaign of the Provisional Irish Republican Army and wished to campaign for civil rights for Catholics and a united Ireland by peaceful, constitutional means. However, others argue that, as the name implies, the emphasis was originally on creating a social-democratic party rather than a nationalist party. This debate between social democracy and nationalism was to persist for the first decade of the party’s existence. Founder and first leader Gerry Fitt — a former leader of the explicitly socialist Republican Labour Party – would later claim that it was the party’s decision to demand a Council of Ireland as part of the Sunningdale Agreement that signified the point at which the party adopted a clear nationalist agenda. He would later leave the party in 1979, claiming that it was no longer the party it was intended to be.

However the party itself argues that its earliest publications show they have remained consistent in their search for a way out of an impasse in Northern Ireland that satisfies nationalist desires and calms unionist fears. The SDLP were the first to advocate the so-called principle of consent — recognising that fundamental changes in Northern Ireland’s constitutional status could only come with the agreement of the majority of the people of Northern Ireland. However, the SDLP has always been clear that this should not mean that anybody should have a veto on change or equality.

For most of its existence Sinn Féin ridiculed the principle of consent. However, they grudgingly agreed to it when signing up to the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. The principle of consent, also widely accepted by unionists, was explicitly endorsed by a large majority of Irish people in referendums (held on the same day) that endorsed the agreement.

Whilst anxious to achieve devolved government in Northern Ireland (which the British Government had prorogued in 1972), the SDLP were also insistent on what was then known as the Irish dimension — in other words a defined constitutional role for the Republic in northern affairs. This issue led to Gerry Fitt’s decision to leave in 1979. Mr Fitt had agreed to enter into talks with Humphrey Atkins, the Secretary of State, which excluded an Irish dimension but was then rebuffed by his party conference.

John Hume was an advocate of a joint authority approach where both the Republic of Ireland and the United Kingdom would exercise political power. This was a central idea of the New Ireland Forum which brought together mainstream Irish parties in the 1980s. However, this was rejected out-of-hand by Margaret Thatcher, the Prime Minister, in a speech that became known as “out, out, out” because she dismissed every proposal of the forum by saying “that is out”.

The horrified reaction of the Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald to this speech and the electoral success of Sinn Féin following the1981 Irish Hunger Strike shocked the Thatcher Government and they were receptive to FitzGerald’s lobbying on behalf of the SDLP which eventually led in 1985 to the Anglo-Irish Agreement, which was opposed by both unionists and republicans. Republicans were concerned that the agreement did not go far enough. Unionists staged a demonstration of some 200,000 people in Belfast city centre.

While the SDLP’s opponents claimed the party had become “post-nationalist” (following a speech where John Humereferred to “an increasingly post-nationalist Europe”) after the Good Friday Agreement, Mark Durkan has recently described the party as republican. Durkan often emphasises to unionists that the protections and constitutional mechanisms of the Good Friday Agreement would remain in the united Ireland that the SDLP seeks.

The Good Friday Agreement and return to government[edit]

The SDLP was a key player in the talks throughout the 1990s that led to the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. John Hume won a Nobel Peace Prize that year with Ulster Unionist Party leader David Trimble in recognition of their efforts.

As a result of the Agreement, elections to a new Northern Ireland Assembly were held in June 1998; the SDLP emerged as the second-largest party overall, and the largest nationalist party, with 24 out of 108 seats. The party was then returned to government later in the year when a power-sharing Executive was established for Northern Ireland. The SDLP took office alongside the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), and Sinn Féin, and the SDLP’s Seamus Mallon became Deputy First Minister alongside the UUP’s First Minister, David Trimble.

Upon Mallon’s retirement in 2001, Mark Durkan succeeded him as Deputy First Minister.

Electoral performance[edit]

The SDLP was the largest nationalist party in Northern Ireland from the time of its foundation until the beginning of the 21st century. In 1998, it became the biggest party overall in terms of votes received, the first (as so far, only) time this had been achieved by a nationalist party. In the 2001 General Election and in the 2003 Assembly Election, Sinn Féin won more seats and votes than the SDLP for the first time.

The retirement of John Hume was followed by a period when the party started slipping electorally. In the 2004 European elections, Hume stood down and the SDLP failed to retain the seat he had held since 1979, losing to Sinn Féin.

Some see the SDLP as first and foremost a party now representing Catholic middle-class interests, with voters concentrated in rural areas and the professional classes, rather than a vehicle for Irish nationalism. The SDLP reject this argument, pointing to their strong support in Derry and their victory in South Belfast in the 2005 election. Furthermore, in the lead up to the 2005 Westminster Election, they published a document outlining their plans for a politically united Ireland. Their decline in Northern Ireland outside of two particular strongholds had led some to dub the party the “South Down and Londonderry Party”[10]

Northern Ireland election seats 1997-2015.svg

The party claims that the 2005 Westminster elections — when they lost Newry and Armagh to Sinn Féin but Durkan comfortably held Hume’s seat of Foyle whilst they also gained South Belfast with a slightly bigger share of the vote than in the 2003 assembly elections – shows that the decline caused by Sinn Féin’s rejection of physical force republicanism has slowed and that their vote share demands they play a central role in any constitutional discussions. However the British Government remain focused on Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party, as the mechanisms of government outlined in the Agreement mean that it is only necessary that a majority of assembly members from each community (which these two parties currently have) agree a way forward.

The SDLP endorsed and actively supported the replacement of the Royal Ulster Constabulary, a force which many nationalists opposed, with the Police Service of Northern Ireland.

In the 2009 European election the party fielded Alban Maginness as their candidate and failed to gain a seat with 78,489 first preference votes.[11]

The party further declined in the 2011 Assembly elections. It lost two seats although it polled ahead of the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP) which won more seats.

Party Leader Candidates Seats Change from 2007 1st Pref Votes 1st Pref % Change from 2007 Executive seats
SDLP Margaret Ritchie 28 14 −2 94,286 13.9 −1.0 1

Possible merger[edit]

There had been a debate in the party on the prospects of amalgamation with Fianna Fáil,[12] then governing party of theRepublic of Ireland, while the possibility of merger with the Irish Labour Party or even Fine Gael have been speculated about by others[citation needed]. Little came of this speculation and former party leader, Margaret Ritchie, rejected the idea. Speaking at the 2010 Labour Party national conference in Galway she said that a merger would not happen while she was leader – “Merger with Fianna Fáil? Not on my watch.”[13] Since his election as Fianna Fáil Leader in January 2011, Micheál Martin has also repeatedly dismissed the possibility of a merger or electoral alliance with the SDLP.

Westminster Parliament[edit]

With the collapse of the Ulster Unionist Party in the 2005 UK general election and Sinn Féin’s continual abstention from Westminster, the SDLP is once more the second largest parliamentary grouping from Northern Ireland at Westminster. The SDLP sees this as a major opportunity to become the voice of Irish Nationalism in Westminster and to provide effective opposition to the much enlarged Democratic Unionist Party group. The SDLP is consequently paying more attention to the Westminster Parliament and working to strengthen its ties with the Parliamentary Labour Party, whose whip they informally accept. The SDLP has been a vocal opponent at Westminster of the proposal to extend detention without trial to 42 days and previously opposed measures to extend detention to 90 days and 28 days. SDLP MP and former leader Mark Durkanrecently tabled an Early Day Motion on cluster munitions which gained cross-party support and was quickly followed by a decision by the UK government to support a ban.

Proposed Dáil participation[edit]

The SDLP, along with Sinn Féin, have long sought speaking rights in Dáil Éireann, the lower house of the Republic’sparliament. In 2005, Taoiseach Bertie Ahern leader of Fianna Fáil put forward a tentative proposal to allow MPs and MEPs from Northern Ireland to participate in debates on the region. However, it met with vociferous opposition from the Republic’s main opposition parties Fine Gael and Labour, and the plan was subsequently shelved.[14] Unionists had also strongly opposed the proposal.

Remembrance Day 2010[edit]

On Remembrance Day 2010 party leader Margaret Ritchie made history by becoming the first leader of a nationalist party to wear a poppy. She attended the wreath-laying ceremony in Downpatrick. In Northern Ireland, the wearing of poppies is controversial. It is seen by many as a political symbol representing support for the British Army.[15] Because of this, it has long been the preserve of the unionist/loyalist community.[16] Her actions drew praise from unionists.[17][18][19]

Leadership challenges and elections, 2011–2015[edit]

On 27 July 2011 it was reported that Margaret Ritchie faced a leadership challenge from deputy leader Patsy McGlone.[20]The Phoenix reported that only one MLA Alex Attwood was prepared to back her and that “she will be humiliated if she puts her leadership to a vote”[21]

Alasdair McDonnell was confirmed as Ritchie’s successor after the subsequent leadership election on 5 November 2011.[22]

Colum Eastwood challenged McDonnell and replaced him as leader in 2015.[23]

Leadership[edit]

Colum Eastwood MLA, leader of the SDLP since 2015

Party leader[edit]

Leader Period Constituency
Gerry Fitt 1970–1979 MP for Belfast Dock (196272)
MP for Belfast West (196683)
John Hume 1979–2001 MEP for Northern Ireland (19792004)
MP for Foyle (19832005)
MLA for Foyle (1998–2000)
Mark Durkan 2001–2010 MLA for Foyle (1998–2010)
MP for Foyle (from 2005)
Margaret Ritchie 2010–2011 MLA for South Down (2003–12)
MP for South Down (from 2010)
Alasdair McDonnell 2011–2015 MLA for Belfast South (1998–2015)
MP for Belfast South (from 2005)
Colum Eastwood 2015–present MLA for Foyle (from 2011)

Deputy leader[edit]

Leader Period Constituency
John Hume 1970–1979 MP for Foyle (196972)
MEP for Northern Ireland (19792004)
MP for Foyle (19832005)
MLA for Foyle (1998–2000)
Seamus Mallon 1979–2001 MP for Newry and Armagh (19862005)
MLA for Newry and Armagh (19982003)
Bríd Rodgers 2001–2004 MLA for Upper Bann (19982003)
Alasdair McDonnell 2004–2010 MLA for Belfast South (1998–2015)
MP for Belfast South (from 2005)
Patsy McGlone 2010–2011 MLA for Mid-Ulster (from 2003)
Dolores Kelly 2011–2015 MLA for Upper Bann (20032016)
Fearghal McKinney 2015–2016 MLA for Belfast South (2013–2016)
Vacant From 2016 N/A

Elected representatives[edit]

MPs[edit]

MP Constituency Notes
Mark Durkan Foyle Party Leader (2001–2010)
Deputy First Minister (2001–2002)
Alasdair McDonnell Belfast South Deputy Leader (2004–2010)
Party Leader (2011–2015)
Margaret Ritchie South Down Party Leader (2010–2011)

MLAs[edit]

MLA Constituency Notes
Alex Attwood Belfast West
Sinead Bradley South Down
Mark H. Durkan Foyle
Colum Eastwood Foyle Party Leader (from 2015)
Claire Hanna Belfast South
Nichola Mallon Belfast North
Daniel McCrossan West Tyrone
Patsy McGlone Mid Ulster Deputy Leader (2010–2011)
Colin McGrath South Down
Justin McNulty Newry and Armagh
Richie McPhillips Fermanagh and South Tyrone
Gerry Mullan East Derry

Election results and governments[edit]

Northern Ireland Council Seats
Antrim and Newtownabbey
4 / 40

Armagh, Banbridge and Craigavon
6 / 41

Belfast City
7 / 60

Causeway Coast and Glens
6 / 40

Derry and Strabane
10 / 40

Fermanagh and Omagh
8 / 40

Lisburn and Castlereagh
3 / 40

Mid and East Antrim
1 / 40

Mid-Ulster
6 / 40

Newry, Mourne and Down
14 / 41

North Down and Ards
1 / 40

Devolved Legislature elections[edit]

Election Body First Preference Vote Vote % Seats Government
1973 1973 Assembly 159,773 22.1%
19 / 78

UUP–SDLP–Alliance
1975 Constitutional Convention 156,049 23.7%
17 / 78

1982 1982 Assembly 118,891 18.8%
14 / 78

1996 Forum 160,786 21.4%
21 / 110

1998 1st Assembly 177,963 22.0%
24 / 108

UUP–SDLP–DUP–Sinn Féin
2003 2nd Assembly 117,547 17.0%
18 / 108

2007 3rd Assembly 105,164 15.2%
16 / 108

DUP–Sinn Féin–SDLP–UUP–Alliance
2011 4th Assembly 94,286 14.2%
14 / 108

DUP–Sinn Féin–UUP–SDLP–Alliance
2016 5th Assembly 83,364 12.0%
12 / 108

DUP–Sinn Féin

Westminister elections[edit]

Election House of Commons Votes Vote % Seats Government
1974 (Feb) 46th 160,137 0.5% (in UK)
1 / 12

Labour Party
1974 (Oct) 47th 154,193 0.6% (in UK)
1 / 12

Labour Party
1979 48th 126,325 0.4% (in UK)
1 / 12

Conservative Party
1983 49th 137,012 0.4% (in UK)
1 / 17

Conservative Party
1987 50th 154,067 0.5% (in UK)
3 / 17

Conservative Party
1992 51st 184,445 0.5% (in UK)
4 / 17

Conservative Party
1997 52nd 190,814 17.9% (in NI)
0.6% (in UK)
3 / 18

Labour Party
2001 53rd 169,865 21.0% (in NI)
0.6% (in UK)
3 / 18

Labour Party
2005 54th 125,626 17.5% (in NI)
0.5% (in UK)
3 / 18

Labour Party
2010 55th 110,970 16.5% (in NI)
0.4% (in UK)
3 / 18

Conservative Party–Liberal Democrats
2015 56th 99,809 13.9% (in NI)
0.3% (in UK)
3 / 18

Conservative Party

Local Government elections[edit]

Election First Preference Vote Vote % Seats
1973 92,600 13.4%
82 / 517

1977 114,775 20.6%
113 / 526

1981 116,487 17.5%
104 / 526

1985 113,967 17.8%
102 / 565

1989 129,557 21.0%
121 / 565

1993 136,760 22.0%
127 / 582

1997 130,387 21.0%
120 / 575

2001 153,424 19.0%
117 / 582

2005 121,991 17.4%
101 / 582

2011 99,325 15.0%
87 / 583

2014 85,237 13.6%
66 / 462

European elections[edit]

Election First Preference Vote Vote % Seats
1979 140,622 25.5%
1 / 3

1984 151,399 22.1%
1 / 3

1989 136,335 25.0%
1 / 3

1994 161,992 28.9%
1 / 3

1999 190,731 28.1%
1 / 3

2004 87,559 15.9%
0 / 3

2009 78,489 16.1%
0 / 3

2014 81,594 13.0%
0 / 3

See also