Social Democratic Party (UK, 1990–present)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article is about the UK Social Democratic Party which has existed since 1990. For other UK parties of this name, see Social Democratic Party.
Social Democratic Party (SDP)
Leader Jack Holmes (1990–1991)
John Bates (1991–2008)
Peter Johnson (2008–present)
Founded 1990
Headquarters 69, Oakdale Road,
B36 8AU.
Ideology Euroscepticism
Social democracy
Political position Centre-left
Colours Blue and Red
Local government[1]
0 / 21,871


The Social Democratic Party is a small political party in the United Kingdomformed in 1990. It traces its origin to the Social Democratic Party that was formed in 1981 by a group of dissident Labour Party politicians, all Members of Parliament (MPs) or former MPs: Roy Jenkins, David Owen, Bill Rodgers andShirley Williams, who became known as the “Gang of Four”. This party merged with the Liberal Party in 1988 to form the Liberal Democrats, but Owen, two other MPs and a minority of party activists formed a breakaway group immediately after with the same name. That party dissolved itself in 1990, but a number of activists met and voted to continue the party in defiance of its National Executive, leading to the creation of a new Social Democratic Party.

The party is listed on the Register of Political Parties for England, Scotland and Wales. John Bates is the party president. According to the accounts filed with the Electoral Commission for the year ending 2008 it had 41 members.

From Bootle to Neath[edit]

The second incarnation of the SDP decided to dissolve itself after a disastrous result in the Bootle by-election of 1990. However, a number of SDP activists met and voted to continue the party in defiance of the National Executive. The continuing group was led by Jack Holmes, whose defeat by the Official Monster Raving Loony Party at the Bootle by-election had caused the party’s end.

The much reduced SDP decided to fight the Neath by-election in 1991. With Holmes serving as the party’s election agent, the SDP candidate finished fifth with 5.3% of the vote – only 174 votes behind the fourth placed Liberal Democrats. (The SDP candidate joined the LibDems shortly thereafter.)[3] The Neath result proved that a greatly reduced SDP could continue to be a viable party without David Owen. The party subsequently won a number of seats on the Neath Port Talbot County Borough Council.


Since 1992, the SDP has concentrated on campaigning at local level and on trying to build up support again largely from scratch. In more recent years, it has held a few council seats in Yorkshire and South Wales.

Bridlington Central and Old Town ward on East Riding of Yorkshire Council remained a hotspot of SDP activity with Ray Allerston holding a council seat there from 1987. From 2003 to 2007 he was joined by his wife, Catherine Allerston.[4]

Meanwhile, in Tunstall Ward in Richmondshire, Tony Pelton and Brian Smith were elected in 1999.

A third hotspot consisted of SDP Councillors Jeff Dinham, John Sullivan and Anthony Taylor in Aberavon Ward, Neath Port Talbot.

In the 2003 elections, Tony Pelton was re-elected, but Brian Smith was not. In 2005, Christine Allerston became Mayor of Bridlington for a year, but stood down before the 2007 local elections, in which her husband Ray Allerston was re-elected (and made Mayor) and David Metcalf (SDP) picked up the vacant seat. All three Aberavon councillors remained in place, with Anthony Taylor becoming local Mayor. However, Tony Pelton in Tunstall stood down before the 2007 locals, ending SDP representation there.

In 2008 Jackie Foster was elected onto Bridlington Town Council.

In 2012, Councillors Dinham and Sullivan lost their seats in Aberavon, leaving only Anthony Taylor in position.

In early 2014 David Metcalf stepped down due to ill health. He died soon after. This left just Allerston, Foster and Taylor in post. Ray Allerston died on 16 September 2014.[5][6] A by-election was held in his ward on 27 November, which was won by the UK Independence Party.[7]

The SDP fielded two candidates in the 2015 general election: Peter Johnson stood in Birmingham Yardley, finishing in last place with 71 votes and Val Hoodless in Kingston upon Hull East, who was also last with 54 votes.

Jackie Foster remained an SDP councillor on Bridlington Town Council after the 2015 local elections,[8] but as of 2016 is listed as a Labour councillor.[9] Anthony Taylor is sitting on Neath Port Talbot County Borough Council as an “IndependentDemocrat”,[10] but remains listed on the party website as the only current SDP councillor.[11]

In August 2015, Solihull‘s Green councillor, Mike Sheriden, defected to the SDP,[12] taking their councillor tally up to one again. However, when he stood for re-election in May 2016, Sheridan received only 17 votes (0.83%) and lost his seat.

The party’s political orientation has drifted towards Euroscepticism, despite the origins of the first SDP being as a pro-EU counterweight to Labour’s disavowal of the European Community. The SDP style themselves on their website as “The Socialist, anti-European Union alternative to UKIP and the pro-European Labour Party”,[citation needed] stating that “The SDP would repeal the European Communities Act 1972 [and] ensure sovereign powers of government are returned, enabling Britain to be governed in accordance with Social Democratic Party principles and policies.”[13]

SDP Councillors since 1999[edit]

Date Councillors
May 1999 Ray Allerston (Bridlington), Tony Pelton (Richmondshire), Brian Smith (Richmondshire), Jeff Dinham (Neath), John Sullivan (Neath), Anthony Taylor (Neath)
May 2003 Ray Allerston (Bridlington), Tony Pelton (Richmondshire), Jeff Dinham (Neath), John Sullivan (Neath), Anthony Taylor (Neath), Catherine Allerston (Bridlington)
May 2007 Ray Allerston (Bridlington), Jeff Dinham (Neath), John Sullivan (Neath), Anthony Taylor (Neath), David Metcalf (Bridlington)
May 2008 Ray Allerston (Bridlington), Jeff Dinham (Neath), John Sullivan (Neath), Anthony Taylor (Neath), David Metcalf (Bridlington), Jackie Foster (Bridlington)
May 2012 Ray Allerston (Bridlington), Anthony Taylor (Neath), David Metcalf (Bridlington), Jackie Foster (Bridlington)
Early 2014 Ray Allerston (Bridlington), Anthony Taylor (Neath), Jackie Foster (Bridlington)
September 2014 Anthony Taylor (Neath), Jackie Foster (Bridlington)
August 2015 Anthony Taylor (Neath), Jackie Foster (Bridlington), Mike Sheridan (Solihull)
Late 2015 Jackie Foster (Bridlington), Mike Sheridan (Solihull)
Early 2016 Mike Sheridan (Solihull)
May 2016 None remaining

See also

National Liberal Party (UK, 1999)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
For unrelated parties formed in 1922 and 1931, see National Liberal Party (UK, 1922) and National Liberal Party (UK, 1931).
National Liberal Party
Founded March 1999
Ideology British nationalism
Political position Far-right

The National Liberal Party is a political party formed in the United Kingdom in 1999. It was registered with the Electoral Commission by Dean Williamson and Graham Williamson on 25 March 1999.[1] The group sporadically contested elections until emerging more prominently in the run up the 2014 European Parliament election. It fielded eight candidates in the London constituencyelection in May 2014.


The party was founded by Graham Williamson and Patrick Harrington. Williamson is a former deputy chairman of theNational Front (NF) and a member of the executive of the British National Party (BNP)-supported “trade union” Solidarity. Harrington was BNP leader Nick Griffin‘s European Parliament staff manager and a former leading figure in the NF, and general secretary of Solidarity. They ran a nationalist think tank for more than twenty years called the Third Way, named after the third-positionist strategies influenced by the ideology of Roberto Fiore, an Italian fascist. Third-positionist ideas were a great influence on the “Political Soldier” faction of the NF, which included Williamson, Harrington and Griffin.[3]

In 1990, a year after the “political soldiers” voted to disband the National Front, Third Way was founded as a political think tank. It was re-registered as “National Liberal Party – The Third Way” in 2006 to run candidates in local elections.[3] The party ran in the 2010 general election, contesting the Eastleigh seat. Their candidate Keith Lowe ran a campaign attacking the sitting MP Chris Huhne for his failure to support a referendum over the Treaty of Lisbon.[4] During the election the presence of several former NF members in prominent position was raised in the local press although General Secretary David Durant, himself a former NF member, claimed that the party belonged to the “patriotic centre“.[4]

Among Fiore’s ideas was that far right white nationalist groups should form alliances with national liberation movements and separatists. Williamson and Harrington pioneered this in the National Front in the 1980s, but apart from allowing them to say they were not racists because they had black allies, the policy was not a success. The National Liberal Party has kept up this strategy, appealing for ethnic minority votes by focusing on national struggles abroad and with particular emphasis on injustices in Sri Lanka and India.

Despite the far right and fascist backgrounds of its leaders, the party contested elections in London on a multicultural election list including Tamil, Sikh and Kurdish candidates. The party manifesto gave no indication of its far right origins. It said, “The National Liberal Party is putting forward a team of 8 ethnically and racially diverse candidates – Tamil, Sikh, Azerbaijan, Kurdish, English, north Borneo (sabah-sarawak), to represent the real grassroots London.”[3] One of the group’s candidates, Yussuf Anwar, appeared on BBC‘s Daily Politics and declared himself proud of Graham Williamson, arguing that his NF membership was a youthful mistake.[5]

Following the revelations about the party’s origins from Channel 4, they were also attacked in Heritage and Destiny, a political journal close to the International Third Position. In particular they focused on the party’s website on which they named their political progenitors as the Earl of Rosebery, Joseph Chamberlain and Leslie Hore-Belisha. The article criticised the party’s choice for the Jewish links of all except Chamberlain (with Heritage & Destiny taking a largely anti-Semitic editorial position) as well as the perceived lack of ideological connection between the three figures and even the poor spelling of their names on the NLP website.[6]

Elections contested[edit]

Parliamentary elections[edit]

General election, 6 May 2010

Constituency Candidate Votes  %
Eastleigh Keith Low 93 0.2[7]

General election, 7 May 2015

Constituency Candidate Votes  %
Ealing, Southall Jagdeesh Singh 461 1.1[8]
Ruislip, Northwood & Pinner Sockalingam Yogalingam 166 0.3[9]

European Parliament elections[edit]

2014 European elections

Regional lists Candidates Votes  % MEPs
London Graham Williamson
Jagdeesh Singh
Sockalingham Yogalingam
Doris Jones
Upkar Singh Rai
Yussef Anwar
Araz Yurdseven
Bernard Dube
6,736 0.3 0[10]


Communist League (UK, 1988)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Communist League
Leader Collective leadership (Central Committee)
Founded 1988
Headquarters London
Newspaper The Militant
Ideology Communism
Political position Far-left
European affiliation None
International affiliation Pathfinder tendency
European Parliament group None

The Communist League is a British political party that was formed by a group of members expelled in 1988 from Socialist Action. Those members had joined the American Socialist Workers Party‘s Pathfinder tendency. It maintains a bookshop in London, originally in The Cut but now in Bethnal Green Road. The League’s members sell The Militant, the paper of the American Socialist Workers Party. The group claims that many of its members work in the meat-packing industry.[1]

Two Communist League candidates stood in the 2005 general election; one ran in Bethnal Green and Bow polling 38 votes, the seat which was gained byGeorge Galloway for Respect. In the 2008 London Assembly election, Julie Crawford stood in the City and East constituency and polled 701 votes, 0.3% of the popular vote, coming 12th and last among the candidates.[2] In the 2010 general election, the Communist League stood Caroline Bellamy in Edinburgh South West (48 votes)[3] and Paul Davies in Hackney South and Shoreditch(110 votes).[4][5] Peter Clifford stood in Manchester Central in 2012,[6] gaining 64 votes. In the 2012 London Assembly election, Paul Davies stood in the City and East constituency and increased the vote to 1,108 (0.6) coming last out of eight candidates.

For the 2015 general elections, the Communist League stood two parliamentary candidates – in London and Manchester – and two other candidates for Manchester City Council.[7]

Reality Party

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
  (Redirected from We Are The Reality Party)

The party’s logo

The Reality Party is a political party in the United Kingdom that was founded in 2014, by Mark “Bez” Berry. The party was briefly deregistered by the Electoral Commission, for breaching rules regarding party names,[1] but re-registered in February 2015 under the name We Are The Reality Party. They are also permitted to use the description “The Reality Party It’s Your Reality” on ballot papers.[2]

The party manifesto is a centre-left anti-austerity programme[3] which includes policies against privatisation, tuition fees and tax avoidance and in favour ofrenationalisation, progressive taxation, rent controls, socially-managed housing andparticipatory democracy.

Election campaign[edit]

In 2014 Channel 4 produced a documentary series following Berry’s political campaign.[5] The Reality party toured South Thanet in a green vintage bus in December 2014.[6]

In January 2015, The Reality Party was deregistered by the Electoral Commission for having a name that was too similar to that of The Realists’ Party. Its founder had been given several written warnings that a name change was required, and was removed from the register in January when it had failed to comply.[1] On 12 February 2015 the party re-registered as “We Are The Reality Party”.[2]

Parliamentary candidates[edit]

The Reality campaign bus

The party stood three candidates in the 2015 general election, after some initial ambiguity over which seats they intended to contest.[1]

  • Mark “Bez” Berry stood for Salford and Eccles and gained 703 votes, higher than fellow anti-austerity party TUSC.
  • Nigel Askew stood for South Thanet[7] where Nigel Farage (leader of UKIP) was also standing, and gained 126 votes. He referred to his campaign as “The Battle of the Nigels” and also referred to himself as”the real pub landlord” highlighting another adversary, Al Murray. Both Farage and Murray beat him in the election,[8] but finished behind Conservative candidate Craig Mackinlay.
  • Mags McNally was the candidate for Worsley and Eccles South, gaining 200 votes.
  • Jackie Anderson was initially the declared candidate for “Salford West and Eccles”; however, this constituency does not exist. Anderson left the party and stood as an independent in the 2015 local council elections.[1]

Liberty GB

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Liberty Great Britain
Chairman Paul Weston
Founded March 2013
Headquarters 207 Regent Street,
(mailing address only)
Ideology Euroscepticism
Right-wing populism
Political position Far-right[2]

Liberty Great Britain or Liberty GB is a far-right British nationalist political party.[3] It was registered with the Electoral Commission on 5 March 2013 byPaul Weston and George Whale.[4] Its three candidates in the 2014 European Parliament election in the South East England constituency received 2,414 votes (0.11%).[5]

Weston is a former UK Independence Party (UKIP) member and was one of the party’s candidates in Cities of London and Westminster at the 2010 general election.[6] He left UKIP over what he described as its failure to address issues related to Islam in Britain and founded the British Freedom Party (BFP). That party formed an alliance with the far-right English Defence League. Weston left the BFP in 2013. He has predicted that within 20 years there will be a war in Britain between the white working class and immigrants. He is married to a Romanian and claims to have been a deep sea diver, a pilot in Africa and a property developer in the Czech Republic.[7]

Liberty GB is anti-immigration, anti-fundamentalist Islam and traditionalist.[1]The group’s Facebook page describes it as “patriotic counter-jihad party for Christian civilisation, Western rights and freedoms, British culture, animal welfare and capitalism”.

2014 European election[edit]

Liberty GB stood three candidates in the 2014 European Parliament election in the South East England constituency, Weston, Enza Ferreri (Liberty GB’s media officer) and Jack Buckby (Liberty GB’s outreach officer).[8] Buckby founded the “National Culturists” while at university in Liverpool in 2012.[9] They received 2,414 votes (0.11%) placing it 14th of the 15 parties contesting the election.[5]

Paul Weston arrest[edit]

On 26 April 2014, Weston was arrested while addressing passers-by outside Winchester Guildhall. A member of the public complained to police and he was detained after failing to move on under a dispersal order. He was further arrested on suspicion of religious or racial harassment.[7][10] Weston’s speech quoted from Winston Churchill‘s 1899 book The River War about Churchill’s experiences as a British army officer in Sudan; the passage quoted was critical of Islam. Weston is a former UKIP candidate who parted with it over what he described as its failure to address issues related to Islam in Britain and then joined the British Freedom Party.[11]

Liberty GB radio host trial[edit]

Tim Burton, a radio presenter who is a member of Liberty GB, was acquitted of charges of racially aggravated harassment on 4 May 2014 at Birmingham magistrates’ court. He had tweeted comments about Fiyaz Mughal OBE, a Muslim campaigner of Tell MAMA UK.[12]

2016 Batley and Spen by-election[edit]

Following the killing of incumbent Labour MP Jo Cox, Liberty GB were the only party to contest Labour in the Batley and Spen by-election. The party’s candidate was Jack Buckby, who had been a member of the youth division of the British National Party under Nick Griffin before leaving because he deemed the BNP to be too racist.[13]


Year Name Period Time in office Deputy leader/s
2013 Paul Weston 5 March 2013 – present incumbent

Electoral performance[edit]

General election, 7 May 2015[edit]

The party contested three constituencies, obtaining a total of 418 votes.

Constituency Candidate Votes  %
Birmingham Ladywood Timothy Burton 216 0.6
Lewisham West and Penge George Whale 44 0.1
Luton South Paul Weston 158 0.4

Batley and Spen by-election, 2016[edit]

The party will contest the by-election caused by the killing of Jo Cox MP.

Constituency Candidate Votes  %
Batley and Spen Jack Buckby

Alliance for Green Socialism

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Alliance for Green Socialism
Leader Mike Davies
Founded 2003
Headquarters Leeds
Ideology Eco-socialism
Fair trade
Human rights
Participatory democracy
Political position Left-wing
European affiliation None
International affiliation None
European Parliament group None
Colours Red and Green

The Alliance for Green Socialism (AGS) is a socialist and environmentalistpolitical grouping operating across Britain (although its most active membership is in West Yorkshire, particularly in the City of Leeds). Its first annual conference was in 2003 following the 2002 merger of the Leeds Left Alliance (formed by Mike Davies, Celia Foote, Garth Frankland and other former members of the Labour Party) and the Green Socialist Network (whose origins lay in the former Communist Party of Great Britain). The Leeds Left Alliance had previously been involved in the former Socialist Alliance and a small number of AGS members remained involved in it until it was dissolved by the SWP (who had effectively taken it over) in February 2005. The AGS has sponsored various attempts by one of its affiliate organisations (Rugby Red Green Alliance) and the Socialist Alliance Democracy Platform to re-form the Socialist Alliance from 2005 onwards but this has had little success and the AGS concluded in 2011 that such efforts were no longer politically productive (although the AGS still actively supports the idea of a broader Socialist/Environmentalist political alliance).

The AGS describes itself as an alliance rather than as a party. This is seen as significant by some AGS members because the AGS contains people from a variety of trends, traditions and ideological backgrounds who have all agreed to work together in a single organisation whilst retaining the right to disagree on some issues. Many of the AGS members come from former political parties which had a democratic centralist tradition while others were formerly in the Labour Party or in no party at all. To argue out every issue on which differences existed to the point where a majority decision was reached which was then binding on all members might lead to many comrades leaving. The current arrangement recognises that the AGS is open to people from various leftist and environmentalist positions – as long as they agree on the basic principles on which the AGS was founded.

The AGS stood candidates in its own name in the Yorkshire and the Humberconstituency in the 2004 European Election,[1] coming last with 0.9% of the votes cast. It later contested the 2005 UK general election under its own name and in association with other leftist parties in the Socialist Green Unity Coalition, standing candidates in Yorkshire, London and Brighton. The AGS also stood candidates under its own name in the 2010 General Election.

In 2009, the AGS joined the No2EU – Yes to Democracy election campaign for the European elections and three AGS members stood as candidates in Yorkshire & Humberside. However, following the election, the failure of the RMT union to commit itself to a successor organisation to this campaign (whose name was disliked by most AGS members as it implied an anti-European stance which they do not hold) and its transformation into a new organisation (Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition) which is politically and organisationally dominated by the Socialist Party, has led the AGS to withdraw from this group.


Green Socialist Network[edit]

The Green Socialist Network (GSN) was a socialist environmentalist political grouping whose origins go back to theCommunist Party of Great Britain (CPGB). When the CPGB was wound up in 1991 a number of its members (and the assets of the party) transferred to a new organisation called the Democratic Left led by former CPGB General SecretaryNina Temple. However, the Democratic Left failed to live up to the expectations of a number of its comrades (particularly those who had spent many years in the CPGB and who still adhered to a Marxist political position) and a split occurred, which led to many of these comrades—especially in the London area—leaving the Democratic Left and establishing the GSN. These included Dave Cook, former National Organiser of the party.[2]

The GSN was not merely a socialist grouping as its members accepted that the old Soviet style system of industrialised state socialism had failed in many respects. The GSN adopted a programme entitled “Towards Green Socialism”, which proposed linking socialism with environmental sustainability and which argued that these two developments were both essential for human survival and development and that each required the other.

The GSN Programme “Towards Green Socialism” has been largely incorporated into AGS policy documents but is still available on request from the AGS, Freepost NEA 5794, Leeds LS7 3YY. E-mail requests to or via the website at [1].

In 2002 GSN members voted to merge with the Leeds-based Left Alliance (a grouping of primarily ex-Labour Party members in Yorkshire who had left, or been expelled from, New Labour) and some independent Green Leftists to form the Alliance for Green Socialism (AGS). The GSN programme “Towards Green Socialism” was adopted as the basis for the AGS’s political programme and remains so.

The GSN membership was largely in London and the South East and former GSN members make up the majority of the AGS London membership. Two former GSN members became National Officers of the AGS and several others became founder members of the AGS National Committee.


The alliance’s first and founding annual conference was held in 2003, after the members of the Leeds Left Alliance and the Green Socialist Network had both voted to approve the merger the previous year and had already formed a combined National Committee.

The first general election the alliance contested was the 2005 general election however it did contest the 2004 elections, both local and European elections, securing 13,776 but no seats in the European election.

Since the 2005 General Election the alliance has contested three local elections and the 2010 general election.

During the 2009 European elections the party campaigned as part of the No2EU alliance which combined many minor parties on the left-side of politics to campaign against the perceived ‘pro-capitalist’ and anti-democratic aspects of theEuropean Union. The alliance secured 153,236 votes, but no seats. However, the No2EU alliance was not consolidated into a new, broad political grouping after the election and the AGS did not wish to remain involved in a group which was increasingly seen as merely anti-European, which they are not.


The alliance frequently republishes full manifestos that cover every policy area. Their most recent manifesto was published in March 2015 for the 2015 general election. Proposed economic polices include further control over banking and greater job security for workers. Environmental policies include committing Britain to an 80% reduction in its carbon emissions by 2050. The alliance is also committed to nationalisation of all National Health Service (NHS) services and utility and transport services. Other notable policies include electing the House of Lords, abolishing the monarchy and decriminalisation of cannabis.[3] However, because the AGS is an alliance rather than a party, members are allowed to differ on certain policies.


There are four prices available for full membership: £30 for highest income, £18 for lower income and £7 for Pensioners and those with “negligible” income as well as £7 for students. This makes the AGS one of the cheapest political parties in the UK.[4] Membership also entitles the member to the quarterly journal Green Socialist and a regular[according to whom?]members’ newsletter.[citation needed]


The journal of the AGS is Green Socialist magazine, published quarterly. The AGS also publishes a members’ bulletin which goes out five or six times a year. Additionally, pamphlets are published on specific topics (e.g. civil liberties) and the AGS election manifesto is published as a booklet available from the national officers or downloadable from their website.[5]


In its financial statement to the Electoral Commission in 2008 the alliance quotes an income of £12,522 and expenditure of £8,356.[6]

Election results[edit]


House of Commons[edit]

Election year # of overall votes  % of overall vote  % of language
group vote
# of overall seats won # of language
group seats won
+/- Notes
Leeds Left Alliance
2001 770 0.0
0 / 650

Alliance for Green Socialism
2005 1,978 0.0
0 / 646

2010 1,581 0.0
0 / 650

2015 852 0.0
0 / 650

European Parliament[edit]

Election year # of overall votes  % of overall vote  % of language
group vote
# of overall seats won # of language
group seats won
+/- Notes
2004 13,776 0.0
0 / 75

See also

Whig Party (British political party)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Not to be confused with the Whigs, who existed as a political party in the United Kingdom from 1678 to 1868.
Whig Party
Leader Waleed Ghani
Founded October 2014
Preceded by Whigs
Headquarters London
Ideology Whiggism
Colours      Light blue

The Whig Party is a political party in England. The party is intended to be a revival of the Whigs that existed in the United Kingdom from 1678 to 1868. The party is led by Waleed Ghani, who launched it in October 2014. It is based on the ideology of the former Whigs, Whiggism.


Waleed Ghani and his fiancée, Felicity Anscomb, applied to register the Whig Party with the Electoral Commission on 27 May 2014.[1] The Whig Party was officially registered with the Electoral Commission on 15 September 2014. The Electoral Commission lists Waleed Ghani as its Leader and Nominating Officer, and Felicity Anscomb as its Treasurer.[2] Ghani founded the Party with the intention of filling a vacuum he saw in British politics. He immediately faced criticism from Jesse Norman, a Conservative Member of Parliament who in 2013 published a biography of the famous Whig politician Edmund Burke.[3]

On 9 December 2014, Ghani was interviewed by Jo Coburn on the BBC‘s Daily Politics.[4] Ghani has also received support from American Whigs.[5] The Party was founded without any policies, but instead a group of values such as human rights, love of country, and diversity, for which they use the Swedish word mångfald (meaning “diversity”, “variety” or “multitude”).[6][7] In early 2015, the Whig Party formed an agreement with Something New that meant both parties would cross endorse candidates and they would not stand opposing candidates in the same seats.[8]

On 31 March 2015, the Whig Party released their manifesto for the 2015 General Election. The party is pro-EU and pro-immigration. It supports universal childcare from ages two to four and the abolition of student tuition fees; it defends the rights of renters in the UK in addition to women’s rights and human rights around the world.[9]

Party leaders[edit]

# Leader Tenure Notes
1 Waleed Ghani 2014–present

Electoral performance[edit]

The Whig Party fielded four candidates at the General Election 2015: Waleed Ghani stood in Vauxhall,[1] Alasdair Henderson stood in Bethnal Green and Bow[10][11] and Felicity Anscomb stood in Camberwell and Peckham, all in Inner London. Paul Bradley-Law stood in Stretford and Urmston in Manchester.[12][13]

General Election 2015[edit]

Candidate Constituency Votes
Waleed Ghani Vauxhall 103
Alasdair Henderson Bethnal Green and Bow 203
Felicity Anscomb Camberwell and Peckham 86
Paul Bradley-Law Stretford and Urmston 169


Peace Party (UK)

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Peace Party
Leader John Morris
Chairman Geoff Pay
Founded 1996
Headquarters Guildford
Ideology Environmentalism,
Colours Rainbow
Local government
0 / 21,259


The Peace Party is a small political party within the United Kingdom which presents an avowedly pacifist and environmentalist platform.


The party was founded in 1996 as the Pacifist Party by a group of activists inGuildford, Surrey. It was registered with the Electoral Commission in 2001 as “The Peace Party – Non-violence, Justice, Environment”.

The Party stood one candidate, John Morris, in the 1997 and 2001 general elections in the Guildford constituency, and two in the 2005 election with Caroline O’Reilly also standing in Brighton Kemptown. It fielded nine candidates in the South East England constituencyduring the 2004 European election,[1] gaining 12,572 votes. This was equivalent to 0.6% of the votes cast in the South East and more than three other parties.[2] The Party has also stood in a number of local elections in Dartford, Kent, Horsham, West Sussex and Guildford.

The party fielded three candidates in the 2010 general election, who won a total of 737 votes.

The Peace Party gained its first councillor in Bradford in November 2012 when Imdad Hussain joined after being suspended from the Labour Party for failing to declare a company directorship. He stood for the party in the Middlesbrough by-election, 2012[3] achieving the Peace Party’s first saved deposit with 1,060 votes (6.3%), only 3 votes fewer than the Conservativecandidate. However, Hussain lost his council seat in the 2014 local election, coming second to Labour.[4]

The party fielded four candidates in the 2015 general election, who won a total of 957 votes.

Animal Welfare Party

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Animal Welfare Party
Leader Vanessa Hudson[1]
Nominating Officer Jon Homan[1]
Treasurer Louise Cobham QV[1]
Veterinary Advisor Andre Menache BSc (Hons) BVSc MRCVS[1]
Founded December 2, 2006
Headquarters Postal address: Animal Welfare Party, 71 -75 Shelton Street, Covent Garden, London, WC2H 9JQ
Ideology Animal welfare
International affiliation Euro Animal 7

Animal Welfare Party (AWP) is a minor political party in the United Kingdomcampaigning on an animal rights, environment and health platform.[2]

The party aims to bring attention to animal welfare, environmental and health issues, in a manner similar to its Dutch equivalent, Partij voor de Dieren (Party for the Animals),[3] for which the AWP founder, Jasmijn de Boo, stood in the 2004 European elections.[4][5] Both de Boo and the current[when?] leader, Vanessa Hudson, have likened the AWP to the anti-slavery and universal suffrage movements.[6][7] The party says it has more than 100 members and over 14,000 supporters, mainly in London and Wales.


The party was founded in December 2006 by Jasmijn de Boo, a Dutch national, of Kennington, London, and Shaun Rutherford of Milford Haven, Wales, as Animals Count!.[6] The party was registered with the Electoral Commission on 22 January 2007.[9]

Vanessa Hudson (2010)

In October 2010, the party elected a new leader, Vanessa Hudson, whose aims are to increase awareness of the party and to expand its membership. In 2013, the party changed its name from Animals Count! to the Animal Welfare Party.[10]

In June 2013, Hudson joined leaders from other animal protection parties from across Europe in a meeting in The Hague organised by the Animal Politics Foundation of the Netherlands.[11]At this meeting the animal protection parties of the Netherlands, Spain, Portugal, Germany, Denmark, Italy, Turkey and the UK discussed ways in which they could work together more effectively. Later that month, Hudson announced that the Animal Welfare Party would stand in the London region in the 2014 European Parliament elections.

The party says it was one of seven European animal protection parties contesting the 2014 European Parliament elections with the aim of returning dedicated representatives for animals to the EU Parliament for the first time.[12] This European group of parties has become known informally as the EuroAnimal7 and includes PvdD of The Netherlands, PACMA of Spain, PAN of Portugal, Partei Mensch Umwelt Tierschutz of Germany, Djurens Parti of Sweden and Animal Party Cyprus.


AWP’s policies for Europe include:[2]

  • Re-directing EU subsidies (currently averaging 50 billion euros per year) away from livestock and fisheries farming and into plant-based agriculture
  • Promoting healthy, plant-based lifestyle initiatives through public health and education campaigns
  • Opposing the production and import of genetically manipulated crops anywhere in Europe
  • Labelling all products clearly with information which allows consumers to make informed choices in line with their own principles on the environment, health, animal welfare and the social circumstances in which a product is produced
  • Phasing out farming practices and systems with poor welfare consequences for animals
  • Ending live animal export
  • Reducing journey times for animals travelling to slaughter and further ‘fattening’
  • Phasing out animal experimentation with binding targets for reduction combined with funding and real support for alternatives
  • Ending cultural traditions that involve cruelty to animals, such as bullfighting and foie gras production
  • A ban on the production and sale of fur within Europe
  • Ending EU subsidy of rearing bulls for bullfighting (currently estimated to be 129.6 million euros per year)
  • Halting EU funding of Romania’s ‘Rabies Eradication Programme’ until the stray animal ‘Catch and Kill’ policy is replaced by ‘Spay and Neuter’
  • Ensuring proper enforcement of existing animal welfare legislation across all EU member states

Electoral history[edit]

The party initially intended to stand in the Welsh Assembly elections in 2007.[13] In the London Assembly election, 2008, de Boo stood in Lambeth and Southwark,[14] receiving 1,828 votes (1.12%).[15] The party sponsored an electoral list of three candidates for the 2009 European Parliament election in the East of England,[16] receiving 13,201 votes (0.8%).[17]

In the United Kingdom general election, 2010, the party contested one seat, which it did not win. The party sponsored an electoral list of eight candidates for the 2014 European Parliament election in the London region, receiving 21,092 votes (0.96%). None were elected. Four AWP candidates contested the 2015 general election. None were elected. They stood in the 2016 London Assembly elections, receiving 1% of the vote and not having any candidates elected.

Elections contested[edit]

Parliamentary elections[edit]

General election, 6 May 2010
Note: Standing as “Animals Count”

Constituency Candidate Votes  %
Islington S, & Finsbury Richard Deboo 149 0.3[18]

General election, 7 May 2015

Constituency Candidate Votes  %
Hackney, N & Stoke Newington Jon Homan 225 0.5[19]
Holborn & St Pancras Vanessa Hudson 173 0.3[20]
Kensington Andrew Knight 158 0.5[21]
Putney Guy Dessoy 184 0.4[22]

Scottish Parliament election, 5 May 2016

Region Votes  %
Glasgow 1,819 0.1[23]

European Parliament elections[edit]

2009 European elections
Note: Standing as “Animals Count”

Regional lists Candidates Votes  % MEPs
East of England 13,201 0.8 0[24]

2014 European elections

Regional lists Candidates Votes  % MEPs
London 21,092 0.96 0[25]

See also

Workers’ Party of Ireland

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Workers’ Party
Páirtí na nOibrithe
President Michael Donnelly
General Secretary John Lowry
Founded 1970 (current name 1982)[1]
Headquarters 24a/25 Hill Street,
Dublin 1, Ireland
Ideology Marxism–Leninism
Irish republicanism
Political position Far-left
European affiliation Initiative of Communist and Workers’ Parties
International affiliation International Meeting of Communist and Workers’ Parties
International Communist Seminar
Colours Red, green
Local government in the Republic of Ireland
2 / 949


The Workers’ Party[2] (Irish: Páirtí na nOibrithe), originally known as Official Sinn Féin, is a Marxist–Leninist political party in Ireland. The party originated out of Sinn Féin (which was founded in 1905) and the Irish Republican Army(IRA), as the split took place with the Provisionals within the republican movement at the onset of the Troubles in 1969–70. The Officials’ founders were Cathal Goulding and Tomás Mac Giolla.

The party name was changed to Sinn Féin the Workers’ Party in 1977 and then to the Workers’ Party in 1982. Throughout its history, the party has been closely associated with the Official Irish Republican Army. It supported theSoviet Union while that entity existed. Notable derivative organisations include the Irish Republican Socialist Party and the Democratic Left.


In the early to mid-1970s, Official Sinn Féin was sometimes called Sinn Féin (Gardiner Place) to distinguish it from the rival offshoot Provisional Sinn Féin, or Sinn Féin (Kevin Street). Gardiner Place had symbolic power as the headquarters of Sinn Féin for decades before the 1970 split. This sobriquet died out in the mid-1970s.[citation needed]

At its Ardfheis in January 1977, the Officials renamed themselves Sinn Féin – The Workers Party. Their first seats in Dáil Éireann were won under this new name. In 1979, a motion at the Ardfheis to remove the Sinn Féin prefix from the party name was narrowly defeated. The change finally came about three years later.[3]

In Northern Ireland, Sinn Féin was organised under the name Republican Clubs to avoid a ban on Sinn Féin candidates, introduced in 1964 under Northern Ireland’s Emergency Powers Act), and the Officials continued to use this name after 1970.[4] The party later used the name The Workers’ Party Republican Clubs. In 1982, both the northern and southern sections of the party became The Workers’ Party.[5] The Workers’ Party is sometimes referred to as the “Sticks” or “Stickies” because in the 1970s it used adhesive stickers for the Easter Lily emblem in its 1916 commemorations, whereas Provisional Sinn Féin used a pin for theirs.[6]



For early history, see History of Sinn Féin.

The modern origins of the party date from the early 1960s. After the failure of the then IRA’s 1956–1962 “Border Campaign“, the republican movement, with a new military and political leadership, undertook a complete reappraisal of itsraison d’être.[3] Under the guidance of figures such as Cathal Goulding and Sean Garland, the leadership of Sinn Féin and the IRA sought to shift their emphasis away from the traditional republican goal of a 32-county Irish Republic redeemed(since Republicans regard the republic declared in 1916 as still in existence and the Anglo-Irish Treaty as invalid) by military action and to concentrate more on socialism and civil rights-related activities.[3]

In doing so, they gradually abandoned the military focus that had characterised Irish republicanism. The leadership were substantially influenced by a group led by Roy Johnston who had been active in the Communist Party of Great Britain‘sConnolly Association.[7] This group’s analysis saw the primary obstacle to Irish unity as the continuing division between the Protestant and Catholic working classes. This it attributed to the “divide and rule” policies of capitalism, whose interests were served by the working classes remaining divided. Military activity was seen as counterproductive since its effect was to further entrench sectarian divisions. If the working classes could be united in class struggle to overthrow their common rulers, a 32-county socialist republic would be the inevitable outcome.[3]

However, this Marxist outlook became unpopular with many of the more traditionalist republicans, and the party/army leadership was criticised for failing to defend northern Catholic enclaves from loyalist attacks (these debates took place against the background of the violent beginning of what would become “the Troubles“). A growing minority within the rank-and-file wanted to maintain traditional militarist policies aimed at ending British rule in Northern Ireland.[3] An equally contentious issue involved whether to or not to continue with the policy of abstentionism, that is, the refusal of elected representatives to take their seats in British or Irish legislatures. A majority of the leadership favoured abandoning this policy.

A group consisting of Seán Mac Stiofáin, Dáithí Ó Conaill, Seamus Twomey, and others, established themselves as a “Provisional Army Council” in 1969 in anticipation of a contentious 1970 Sinn Féin Ard Fheis (delegate conference).[3] At the Ard Fheis, the leadership of Sinn Féin failed to attain the required two-thirds majority to change the party’s position on abstentionism. The debate was charged with allegations of vote-rigging and expulsions. When the Ard Fheis went on to pass a vote of confidence in the official Army Council (which had already approved an end to the abstentionist policy),Ruairí Ó Brádaigh led the minority in a walk-out,[8] and went to a prearranged meeting in Parnell Square where they announced the establishment of a “caretaker” executive of Sinn Féin.[9] The dissident council became known as the “Provisional Army Council” and its party and military wing as Sinn Féin and the Provisional IRA, while those remaining became known as Official Sinn Féin and the Official IRA.[10] Official Sinn Féin, under the leadership of Tomás Mac Giolla, remained aligned to Goulding’s Official IRA.[11]

The minority, those supportive of Seán Mac Stiofáin‘s “Provisional Army Council”, endeavoured to achieve a united Irelandby force. As the Troubles escalated, this “Provisional Army Council” would come to command the loyalty of the IRA national organisation save for a few isolated instances (that of the IRA Company of the Lower Falls road, Belfast under the command of Billy McMillen and other small units in Derry, Newry, Dublin and Wicklow);[citation needed] eventually the media came to characterize the Provisionals simply as “the IRA”.

A key factor in the split was the desire of those who became the Provisionals to make military action the key object of the organisation, rather than a simple rejection of leftism.[12][13]

In 1977 Official Sinn Féin ratified the party’s new name: Sinn Féin The Workers’ Party without dissension.[14] According to Richard Sinnott, this “symbolism” was completed in April 1982 when the party became simply the Workers’ Party.[15][need quotation to verify]

Political development[edit]

Although the Official IRA was drawn into the spiralling violence of the early period of conflict in Northern Ireland, it gradually stepped down its military campaign against the United Kingdom‘s armed presence in Northern Ireland, declaring a permanent ceasefire in May 1972. Following this, the movement’s political development increased rapidly throughout the 1970s.[3]

On the national question, the Officials saw the struggle against religious sectarianism and bigotry as their primary task. The party’s strategy was based on the “stages theory”: firstly, working-class unity within Northern Ireland had to be achieved, followed by the establishment of a united Ireland, and finally a socialist society would be created in Ireland.[16]

In 1977 the party published and accepted as policy a document called the Irish Industrial Revolution.[17] Written by Eoghan Harris and Eamon Smullen,[3] it outlined the party’s economic stance and declared that the ongoing violence in Northern Ireland was “distracting working class attention from the class struggle to a mythical national question.” The policy document used Marxist terminology: it identified US imperialism as the now-dominant political and economic force in the southern state and attacked the failure of the nationalbourgeoisie to develop Ireland as a modern economic power.[18]

Official Sinn Féin evolved towards Marxism-Leninism and became fiercely critical of the physical force Irish republicanism still espoused by Provisional Sinn Féin. Its new approach to the Northern conflict was typified by the slogan it was to adopt: “Peace, Democracy, Class Politics”. It aimed to replace sectarian politics with a class struggle which would unite Catholic and Protestant workers. The slogan’s echo of Vladimir Lenin‘s “Peace, Bread, Land” was indicative of the party’s new source of inspiration. Official Sinn Féin also built up fraternal relations with the USSR and socialist, workers’ and communistparties from around the world.[3]

Throughout the 1980s the party became staunch opponents of republican political violence, controversially to the point of recommending cooperating with British security forces. They were one of the few organisations on the left of Irish politics to oppose the INLA/Provisional IRA 1981 Irish hunger strike.[3]

The Workers’ Party (especially the faction around Harris) was strongly critical of traditional Irish republicanism, causing some of its critics such as Vincent Browne and Paddy Prendeville to accuse it of having an attitude to Northern Ireland that was close to Ulster unionism.[19][20]

IRSP/INLA split and feud[edit]

In 1974 there was a split in the Official Republican Movement, over the ceasefire and the direction of the organisation. This led to the formation of the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP) with Seamus Costello, who had been expelled from theOfficial IRA, as its chairperson. Also formed was its paramilitary wing, the Irish National Liberation Army (INLA). There was a number of tit-for-tat killings in a subsequent feud until a truce was agreed in 1977.[21]

The 1992 split[edit]

In early 1992, following a failed attempt to change the organisation’s constitution, six of the party’s seven TDs, its MEP, numerous councillors and a significant minority of its membership broke off to form Democratic Left, a party which later merged with the Labour Party in 1999.

The reasons for the split were twofold. Firstly, a faction led by Proinsias De Rossa wanted to move the party towards an acceptance of free-market economics.[22] Following the collapse of communism in eastern Europe, they felt that the Workers’ Party’s Marxist stance was now an obstacle to winning support at the polls. Secondly, media accusations had once again surfaced regarding the continued existence of the Official IRA which, it was alleged, remained armed and involved in fund-raising robberies, money laundering and other forms of criminality.[23]

De Rossa and his supporters sought to distance themselves from alleged paramilitary activity at a special Árd Fheis held atDún Laoghaire on 15 February 1992. A motion proposed by De Rossa and General Secretary Des Geraghty sought to stand down the existing membership, elect an 11-member provisional executive council and make several other significant changes in party structures was defeated. The motion to “reconstitute” the party achieved the support of 61% of delegates. However, this was short of the two-thirds majority needed to change the Workers’ Party constitution. The Workers’ Party later claimed that there was vote rigging by the supporters of the De Rossa motion.[24] As a result of the conference’s failure to adopt the motion, De Rossa and his supporters split from the organisation and established a new party which was temporarily known as “New Agenda” before the permanent name of “Democratic Left” was adopted.[25] In the South the rump of the party was left with seven councillors and one TD.

In the North, before the 1992 split, the party had four councillors – Tom French stayed with the party, Gerry Cullen (Dungannon) and Seamus Lynch (Belfast) joined New Agenda/Democratic Left, and David Kettyles ran in subsequent elections in Fermanagh as an Independent or Progressive Socialist.[26]

While the majority of public representatives left with De Rossa, many rank-and-file members remained in the Workers’ Party. Many of these regarded those who broke away as careerists and social democrats who had taken flight after the collapse of the Soviet Union and denounced those who left as ‘liquidators’.[27] Marian Donnelly replaced De Rossa as President from 1992 to 1994. In 1994 Tom French became President and served for four years until Sean Garland was elected President in 1998. Garland retired as President in May 2008 and was replaced by Mick Finnegan who served until September 2014, being replaced by Michael Donnelly[28][29]

A further minor split occurred when a number of members left and established Republican Left; many of these went on to join the Irish Socialist Network. In 1998 another split occurred after a number of former OIRA members in Newry and Belfast,[30] who had been expelled, formed a group called the Official Republican Movement,[31] which recently announced it was decommissioning.

The party today[edit]

The Workers’ Party has struggled since the early 1990s to rejuvenate its fortunes in both Irish jurisdictions. The party maintains a youth wing, Workers’ Party Youth, and a Women’s Committee. It also has offices in Dublin, Belfast, Cork and Waterford. Apart from its political work at home in Ireland, it has sent numerous party delegations to international gatherings of communist and socialist parties.[3]

The party continues to hold a strongly anti-sectarian position and supported an independent anti-sectarian candidate, John Gilliland, in the 2004 European elections in Northern Ireland.[32]

Waterford City remained a holdout for the party in the 1990s and early 2000s. In the 1997 Irish general election Martin O’Regan narrowly failed to secure a seat in the Waterford constituency.[33] However, in February 2008, John Halligan of Waterford resigned from the party when it refused to drop its opposition to service charges.[34] He was later elected a TD for Waterford in the 2011 general election. The party’s sole remaining councillor lost his seat in the 2014 local elections.

Michael Donnelly, a Galway-based university lecturer, was elected as the party President at the party’s Árd Fheis on 27 September 2014 to replace Mick Finnegan who had announced his decision to retire from the position after six years.[35]The General Secretary is John Lowry and the party’s Director of International Affairs is Gerry Grainger. The Workers’ Party in Northern Ireland is registered with the British Electoral Commission, with Lowry named as its leader.[36]

The Workers’ Party called for a No vote against the Treaty of Lisbon in both the June 2008 referendum, in which the proposal was defeated, and the October 2009 referendum, in which the proposal was approved.[37]

The Workers’ Party has been active in grassroot politics throughout the country, including maintaining a presence at pro-Choice marches, LGBT Rights marches, and other progressive movements. It was the only left-wing party to campaign for a No vote in the 2013 Seanad Abolition referendum.

Electoral performance[edit]

Republic of Ireland[edit]

The Workers’ Party made its electoral breakthrough in 1981 when Joe Sherlock won a seat in Cork East. It increased this to three seats in 1982 and to four seats in 1987. The Workers’ Party had its best performance at the polls in 1989 when it won seven seats in the general election and party president Proinsias De Rossa won a seat in Dublin in the European electionheld on the same day, sitting with the communist Left Unity group.[3]

Following the split of 1992, Tomás Mac Giolla, a TD in the Dublin West constituency and President of the party for most of the previous 30 years, was the only member of the Dáil parliamentary party not to side with the new Democratic Left. Mac Giolla lost his seat in the general election later that year, and no TD has been elected for the party since then. However, at local authority level, the Workers’ Party maintained elected representation on Dublin, Cork and Waterford corporations in the aftermath of the split, and Mac Giolla was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1993.

Outside of the south-east, the Workers’ Party retains active branches in various areas of the Republic, including Dublin,Cork, County Meath[38] and County Louth.[citation needed] In the 1999 local elections, it lost all of its seats in Dublin and Cork and only managed to retain three seats in Waterford City. Further electoral setbacks and a minor split left the party after the2004 local elections, with only two councillors, both in Waterford.

The party fielded twelve candidates in the 2009 local elections.[39] The party ran Malachy Steenson in the Dublin Central by-election on the same date.[40] Ted Tynan was elected to Cork City Council in the Cork City North East ward.[41] Davy Walsh retained his seat in Waterford City Council.[42] In the 2014 local elections Tynan retained his seat; however Walsh lost his, following major boundary changes resulting from the merging of Waterford City and County councils. In January 2015, Independent councillor Éilis Ryan on Dublin City Council joined the party.[43]

Poster in Belfast, 2010

In the 2011 general election the Workers’ Party ran six candidates, without success.[44] In the 2016 general election, the party ran five candidates, again without success.

Dáil Éireann electoral performance[edit]

Election Seats won ± Position First Pref votes  % Government Leader
0 / 144

Steady 0 15,366 1.1% No Seats Tomás Mac Giolla
0 / 148

Steady 0 27,209 1.7% No Seats Tomás Mac Giolla
1 / 166

Increase1 1 29,561 1.7% Opposition
(Abstained in initial vote on minority FG/Lab government)
Tomás Mac Giolla
Feb 1982
3 / 166

Increase2 3 38,088 2.3% Opposition
(Supported minority FF government)
Tomás Mac Giolla
Nov 1982
2 / 166

Decrease1 2 54,888 3.3% Opposition Tomás Mac Giolla
4 / 166

Increase2 4 67,273 3.8% Opposition Tomás Mac Giolla
7 / 166

Increase3 7 82,263 5.0% Opposition Proinsias De Rossa
0 / 166

Decrease7 0 11,533 0.7% No Seats Tomás Mac Giolla
0 / 166

Steady 0 7,808 0.4% No Seats Tom French
0 / 166

Steady 0 4,012 0.2% No Seats Seán Garland
0 / 166

Steady 0 3,026 0.1% No Seats Seán Garland
0 / 166

Steady 0 3,056 0.1% No Seats Mick Finnegan
0 / 158

Steady 0 3,242 0.2% No Seats Michael Donnelly

Northern Ireland[edit]

The party gained ten seats at the 1973 Northern Irish local elections.[45] Four years later, in May 1977, this had dropped to six council seats and 2.6% of the vote.[46] One of their best results was when Tom French polled 19% in the 1986 Upper Bann by-election, although no other candidates stood against the sitting MP and a year later, when other parties contested the constituency, he only polled 4.7% of the vote.[47]

Three councillors left the party during the split in 1992. Davy Kettyles became an independent ‘Progressive Socialist’[48]while Gerry Cullen in Dungannon and the Workers’ Party northern chairman, Seamus Lynch in Belfast, joined Democratic Left.[49] The party held onto its one council seat in the 1993 local elections with Peter Smyth retaining the seat that had been held by Tom French in Craigavon.[50] This was lost in 1997,[51] leaving them without elected representation in Northern Ireland.

The party performed poorly in the March 2007 Assembly election; it won no seats, and in its best result in Belfast West, it gained 1.26% of the vote. The party did not field any candidates at the 2010 Westminster general election. In the 2011 Assembly election the Workers’ Party ran in four constituencies, securing 586 first-preference votes (1.7%) in Belfast West and 332 (1%) in Belfast North.

The party contested the Westminster general election in May 2015, standing parliamentary candidates in Northern Ireland for the first time in ten years. It fielded five candidates and secured 2,724 votes, with Gemma Weir picking up 919 votes (2.3%) in Belfast North.


The party has published a number of newspapers throughout the years, with many of the theorists of the movement writing for these papers. After the 1970 split the Officials kept publishing the United Irishman (the traditional newspaper of the republican movement) monthly until May 1980. In 1973 the party launched a weekly paper The Irish People, which was focused on issues in the 26 counties, there was also a The Northern People published in Belfast and focused on northern issues.[52] The party published an occasional international bulletin and a woman’s magazine called Women’s View. From 1989 to 1992 it produced a theoretical magazine called Making Sense. Other papers were produced such as Workers’ Weekly.

The party produces a magazine, Look Left.[53] Originally conceived as a straightforward party paper, Look Left was relaunched as a more broad-left style publication in March 2010 but still bearing the emblem of the Workers’ Party. It is distributed by party members and supporters and is also stocked by a number of retailers including Eason’s and several radical/left-wing bookshops.[54]